Χρονικό 27. ΤΟ ΒΑΤΕΡΛΩ ΕΝΟΣ ΑΡΧΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΥ

Χρονικό 20. ΤΟ ΒΑΤΕΡΛΩ ΕΝΟΣ ΑΡΧΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΥ

/ENGLISH/ Chronicle 27. AN ARCHAEOLOGIST’S WATERLOO

Μινωίτισσα

● Εμπόρια σ’ Αίγυπτο και Λεβάντε ● Το Βατερλώ τού Leonard Woolley ● Περιοδεύοντες Μινωίτες Καλλιτέχνες ● Δεσμοί Κρήτης κι Αιγύπτου ● Διαφορές Μινωικής και Φαραωνικής Κοινωνίας και Τέχνης

του Μιχάλη Λουκοβίκα

 
ΚΑΠΟΙΕΣ ΦΟΡΕΣ, ΣΤΑ ΧΡΟΝΙΚΑ ΚΑΙ ΤΙΣ ΠΕΡΙΗΓΗΣΕΙΣ μας, ή σε ανάλογες περιπτώσεις, όποτε έχεις να παρουσιάσεις ένα θέμα και χρειάζεσαι τεκμηρίωση, ξέρεις σε γενικές γραμμές, εκ των προτέρων, τι ψάχνεις να βρεις, καθώς αναζητείς στοιχεία. Κάποιες άλλες φορές, όμως, ο μίτος που έχεις ανά χείρας, έτσι ώστε να μην χαθείς στον λαβύρινθο της Ιστορίας, σε οδηγεί σε απροσδόκητες διεξόδους, και “σε λιμένας πρωτοειδωμένους”· και τότε γεννιέται η διακαής επιθυμία “να σταματήσεις σ’ εμπορεία Φοινικικά… | σε πόλεις Aιγυπτιακές πολλές να πας, | να μάθεις και να μάθεις απ’ τους σπουδασμένους”, όπως μας συμβουλεύει ο Αλεξανδρινός στην Ιθάκη του. Πρόκειται για τις ευτυχέστερες στιγμές μιας έρευνας…

… Να εύχεσαι νάναι μακρύς ο δρόμος.
Πολλά τα καλοκαιρινά πρωιά να είναι
που με τι ευχαρίστησι, με τι χαρά
θα μπαίνεις σε λιμένας πρωτοειδωμένους·
να σταματήσεις σ’ εμπορεία Φοινικικά
και τες καλές πραγμάτειες ν’ αποκτήσεις…
σε πόλεις Αιγυπτιακές πολλές να πας,
να μάθεις και να μάθεις απ’ τους σπουδασμένους.

(Κ. Π. Καβάφη, Ιθάκη)

Ακριβώς αυτό συνέβη όταν, από τα αιγαιακά εμπόρια (ή εμπορεία), στον ιστορικό χώρο τής Μεσογείου, βρέθηκα ν’ ακολουθώ περιοδεύοντες Μινωίτες καλλιτέχνες σε τόπους μακρινούς! Είχα νιώσει την ανάγκη να παραθέσω περισσότερα στοιχεία περί των εμπορίων, όταν μίλησα στο προηγούμενο Χρονικό για τη Ναύκρατι, συνειδητοποιώντας πως έχω ήδη χρησιμοποιήσει τον όρο αρκετές φορές, σε συνδυασμό με αποικίες κι εμπορικούς σταθμούς. Όμως, ένα εμπόριο, ούτε ακριβώς αποικία ήταν, ούτε κι εμπορικός σταθμός, παρά τις ομοιότητες. Γράφοντας στην Εγκυκλοπαίδεια του Ελληνικού Κόσμου περί Εμπορίων και εμπορικών σταθμών, ο Ηλίας Πετρόπουλος επιχείρησε να ξεκαθαρίσει τα πράγματα:

Ο όρος εμπόριον ως είδος εγκατάστασης ή οικισμού εμφανίσθηκε για πρώτη φορά στην αρχαία γραμματεία σχετικά αργά, κατά τον 5ο αιώνα π.Χ. Σύμφωνα με την άποψη ορισμένων ερευνητών, ως εμπόριον νοείται ο τόπος δράσης τού εμπόρου, δηλαδή του ταξιδευτή με τα εμπορεύματα. Η λέξη έμπορος ετυμολογικά προέρχεται από την πρόθεση εν και τη λέξη πόρος, που σημαίνει δρόμος και μάλιστα διά θαλάσσης. Η λέξη αυτή εμφανίζεται στην Οδύσσεια του Ομήρου δύο φορές. Και στις δύο αυτές περιπτώσεις ο επικός ποιητής εννοεί προφανώς έναν ταξιδευτή ιδιώτη για επαγγελματικούς λόγους. Ως εκ τούτου θα μπορούσαμε να υποθέσουμε ότι η λέξη εμπόριον προέκυψε από τη λέξη έμπορος. Η λέξη αυτή είναι δυστυχώς άγνωστη στις πινακίδες τής [μυκηναϊκής] Γραμμικής Β και αυτό προκαλεί μεγάλη εντύπωση, αλλά ταυτόχρονα οδηγεί και στο εύλογο συμπέρασμα ότι πρόκειται για επινόηση μεταγενέστερων χρόνων. Από την σχετική έρευνα έχει προκύψει το πόρισμα ότι τελικά η λέξη ή ο όρος εμπόριον (με την έννοια της εγκατάστασης ή του οικισμού και όχι της απλής εμπορικής συναλλαγής ή ανταλλαγής προϊόντων) για πρώτη φορά, τουλάχιστον σε γραπτή μορφή, εμφανίζεται στο έργο τού Ηροδότου, στα μέσα δηλαδή του 5ου αιώνα π.Χ. Από τον 4ο αιώνα π.Χ. η λέξη αυτή απαντά αναγεγραμμένη σε μία επιγραφή (γνωστή ως επιγραφή τής Πιστύρου) που ήρθε στο φως σχετικά πρόσφατα σε έναν οικισμό τής σύγχρονης βουλγαρικής (αρχαίας θρακικής) ενδοχώρας, πλησίον τής Φιλιππούπολης…

Εμπόριον < Έμπορος < εν + πόρος =
ο ευρισκόμενος σε δρόμο διά θαλάσσης

Η βαβυλωνιακή γαμήλια αγορά (1875), του Edwin Long, πίνακας βασισμένος σε περιγραφή τού Ηροδότου

Σύμφωνα με τις πληροφορίες που μπορούμε να αντλήσουμε από το τέταρτο βιβλίο [των Ιστοριών] τού Ηροδότου, τη Μελπομένη, στον Εύξεινο Πόντο υπήρχαν αρκετά εμπόρια, όπως ακριβώς τα χαρακτηρίζει ο ίδιος ο αρχαίος ιστορικός… Υπάρχουν όμως και πολλές άλλες αναφορές διασκορπισμένες στα υπόλοιπα οκτώ βιβλία τού Ηροδότου. Πρόκειται για εμπόρια που βρίσκονται εκτός παρευξείνιου χώρου, και συγκεκριμένα εντοπίζονται στη Μεσόγειο. Εξ όλων αυτών σοβαρό προβληματισμό προκαλεί η περίπτωση της Ναύκρατης, την οποία ο αρχαίος ιστορικός μνημονεύει και ως πόλη και ως εμπόριον. Για το θέμα αυτό έχουν γραφτεί πολλές επιστημονικές μελέτες, δίχως ωστόσο να μπορούμε μέχρι σήμερα να προσδιορίσουμε με απόλυτη βεβαιότητα το χαρακτήρα τού οικισμού αυτού κατά τη διάρκεια της πρώιμης ιστορίας του. Ο όρος που συνήθως λαμβάνεται ως αντίθετος του εμπορίου είναι η αποικία, η οποία θεωρείται ότι αποτελούσε μια ολοκληρωμένη μορφή εγκατάστασης κατά τα πρότυπα των αρχαίων ελληνικών πόλεων, δηλαδή με σαφή πολιτειακή και κοινωνική οργάνωση. Η αποικία προφανώς είχε χτιστεί με προσχεδιασμένο πλάνο δράσης και με την ευλογία τού θεού (ή των θεών) μέσω χρησμού, καθώς και με κάθε επισημότητα από την πλευρά τής μητρόπολης, διέθετε αγροτική χώρα και νόμισμα… Ωστόσο, σε ορισμένες περιπτώσεις το εμπόριον ήταν και ένας οικισμός με αρκετά οργανωμένη πολιτεία και θα μπορούσε να χαρακτηρισθεί ως πρωτο-πόλις ή πρωτο-οικισμός, με την έννοια ότι μπορούσε να αποτελέσει το προστάδιο της ίδρυσης μιας αποικίας ή μιας πόλης.

Ζωφόρος που απεικονίζει ποτάμι στην Θήρα/Σαντορίνη…

Αίγυπτος: Αλεξάνδρεια, Ναύκρατις, Αύαρις, Σάις, Πηλούσιον, Μέμφις και Θήβες, που αναφέρονται σε αυτό το Χρονικό.

Τα εμπόρια, κατά τη Wikipedia, ήταν περιοχές, που οι έμποροι μιας χώρας είχαν στη διάθεσή τους στο έδαφος μιας άλλης χώρας, για την προώθηση των επιχειρηματικών τους συμφερόντων. Περίφημα εμπόρια στην Αίγυπτο, εκτός της Ναυκράτεως, ήταν, μεταξύ πολλών άλλων, η Αὔαρις και η Σάϊς, όπου πήγε ο Αθηναίος νομοθέτης Σόλων το 590 ΠΚΧ, για ν’ αποκτήσει τις γνώσεις των Αιγυπτίων, ώστε “να μάθει απ’ τους σπουδαγμένους”. Αντίστοιχα εμπόρια υπήρχαν και στο Λεβάντε, σαν τον Λιμένα (Al-Mina) και το Ποσείδιον (Bassit) στη Συρία. Η Σάις (Sais, ή Zau στ’ αρχαία αιγυπτιακά) βρισκόταν στο δυτικό Δέλτα τού Νείλου, και πολιούχος της ήταν η θεά Νηίθ. Οι Έλληνες, όπως λ.χ. οι Ηρόδοτος, Πλάτων, και Διόδωρος Σικελιώτης, την ταύτιζαν με την Αθηνά, και ως εκ τούτου, θεωρούσαν δεδομένη την αρχέγονη σχέση της με την Αθήνα. Κατά τον Διόδωρο, η Σάις χτίστηκε από την Αθηνά πριν από τον κατακλυσμό, που υποτίθεται πως κατέστρεψε την Αθήνα και την Ατλαντίδα. Εκείνη την εποχή αφανίστηκαν όλες οι ελληνικές πόλεις, ενώ αντίθετα οι αιγυπτιακές επέζησαν. Στον Τίμαιο και τον Κριτία τού Πλάτωνα (γύρω στο 395 ΠΚΧ), ένας ιερέας εμπιστεύεται στον Σόλωνα την ιστορία για την στρατιωτική επιδρομή τής Ατλαντίδας εναντίον τής Ελλάδας και της Αιγύπτου, αλλά και τη συντριβή και τον όλεθρό της, ως επακόλουθο φυσικής καταστροφής.^(α)

• ^(α) Η ιστορία τής Ατλαντίδας ίσως να συνδέεται είτε με το λιώσιμο των πάγων, μετά από την τελευταία εποχή των πάγων (όμως τότε Ελλάδα δεν υπήρχε), ή με τις επιδρομές των Λαών τής Θάλασσας και την επακόλουθη κατάρρευση της εποχής τού μπρούντζου. Αυτός μπορεί να είναι ο “κατακλυσμός” που καταστρέφει την Ελλάδα, ενώ η Αίγυπτος μετά βίας επιβιώνει… (Βλέπε Χρονικά 13-15, κυρίως το 15ο).

Taureador (ταυροκαθάψια): σπάραγμα νωπογραφίας
από την Αύαρι (16ος αιώνας ΠΚΧ)

Η Αύαρις, ή και Άβαρις (Avaris, η σύγχρονη Tell el-Dab’a), η πρωτεύουσα της Αιγύπτου υπό τον ζυγό των Χαναναίων Υξώς, βρισκόταν και αυτή στο Δέλτα τού Νείλου στα βορειοανατολικά. Η θέση της στην καρδιά των εμπορίων τής Αιγύπτου την είχε καταστήσει σπουδαίο διοικητικό κι εμπορικό κέντρο. Οι ανασκαφές εκεί αποκάλυψαν ένα πολυσύχναστο λιμάνι ανεφοδιασμού 300 και πλέον πλοίων στη διάρκεια μιας εμπορικής σεζόν. Τα τεχνουργήματα σ’ ένα τμήμα των ανακτόρων, ενδεχομένως ναό, περιλαμβάνουν προϊόντα απ’ όλες τις περιοχές τού Αιγαίου. Το πιο εντυπωσιακό είναι πως υπήρχαν μέχρι και μινωικού τύπου τοιχογραφίες, παρόμοιες μ’ εκείνες που βρέθηκαν στην Κρήτη στο ανάκτορο της Κνωσού. Πιθανολογείται πως ήταν στενές οι επαφές με τους τότε ηγεμόνες τής Αιγύπτου, όποιοι και αν ήταν αυτοί, και το μεγάλο οικοδόμημα με τις νωπογραφίες έδινε τη δυνατότητα στους Μινωίτες να έχουν θρησκευτική ζωή, με τις τελετές τους στην Αίγυπτο. Κατά τον Γάλλο αρχαιολόγο Yves Duhoux, θα πρέπει να υπήρχε και μινωική αποικία σε κάποιο νησί στο δέλτα τού Νείλου.

Μινωίτισσες κυρίες στα μπλέ, νωπογραφία (1525-1450 ΠΚΧ)

Εκτός τού Αιγαίου, μόνον τρία μέρη διαθέτουν αδιαμφισβήτητα ίχνη μινωικού πολιτισμού: το ένα είναι η Αύαρις στην Κάτω Αίγυπτο, ενώ τ’ άλλα δυο, το Kabri και η Alalakh, βρίσκονται στο Λεβάντε. Το Κάμπρι, στην Παλαιστίνη, στα βόρεια, κοντά στα σύνορα του Λιβάνου, ξεχωρίζει για τις μινωικού τύπου νωπογραφίες του. Το καλοκαίρι τού 2009 αποκαλύφθηκαν εκεί και άλλες τοιχογραφίες αιγαιοπελαγίτικης τεχνοτροπίας. Προφανώς, για κάποιον λόγο, οι Χαναναίοι ηγεμόνες τής πόλης προτίμησαν να τη συσχετίσουν με τη μεσογειακή κουλτούρα, και να μην υιοθετήσουν συριακές, ή μεσοποτάμιες μορφές τέχνης, όπως είχαν κάνει άλλες πόλεις τής Χαναάν. Η Αλαλάχ ήταν μια πόλη-κράτος τής ύστερης εποχής τού μπρούντζου, στην περιοχή όπου επρόκειτο να ιδρυθεί η Αντιόχεια των Σελευκιδών, στα τέλη τού 4ου ΠΚΧ αιώνα. Η αρχική εγκατάσταση εκεί δημιουργήθηκε πριν από το 2000 ΠΚΧ, όταν χτίστηκε το πρώτο ανάκτορο. Η Αλαλάχ καταστράφηκε μάλλον από τους Λαούς τής Θάλασσας στον 12ο αιώνα ΠΚΧ (όπως και τόσες άλλες πόλεις στα παράλια της Ανατολίας και του Λεβάντε), δεν ξανακατοικήθηκε ποτέ, και την θέση της πήρε κατά την εποχή τού σιδήρου ο κοντινός Λιμήν (Al-Mina).

Μαντίκλου Απόλλων, από τη γεωμετρική στην ανατολίζουσα περίοδο (±700-675 BCE, Θήβα)

Αλ-Μίνα (“Το Λιμάνι”, στ’ αραβικά) είναι τ’ όνομα που έδωσε ο αρχαιολόγος Leonard Woolley σε αυτόν τον αρχαίο εμπορικό σταθμό, στις εκβολές τού Ορόντη. Κατά τον Woolley, ήταν πρώιμη ελληνική εμπορική αποικία, που ιδρύθηκε λίγο πριν από το 800 ΠΚΧ, σε άμεση αντιπαράθεση με τους Φοίνικες νοτιότερα. Οι μεγάλες ποσότητες ελληνικών αγγείων εκεί επιβεβαιώνουν τις στενές σχέσεις που είχε εξ αρχής ο Λιμήν με την Εύβοια, ενώ τα συριακά και φοινικικά κεραμικά αντανακλούν το πολιτισμικό αμάλγαμα, που ανέκαθεν ήταν χαρακτηριστικό των εμπορίων. Η διένεξη για το αν ο Λιμήν θα πρέπει να θεωρηθεί πόλη συριακή, με ντόπια αρχιτεκτονική και αγγειοπλαστική και με ελληνική παρουσία, ή αν επρόκειτο για ελληνικό εμπορικό σταθμό, δεν έχει ακόμη κατασταλάξει. Η πόλη απετέλεσε διαμετακομιστικό κόμβο εμπορίου (και των συνεπακόλουθων πολιτισμικών επιδράσεων) με την Ουραρτού και την Ασσυρία μέσω της συντομότερης διαδρομής των καραβανιών. Η κεραμική μεταγενέστερων περιόδων, μετά από το 700 ΠΚΧ, δείχνει τη συνέχιση της ελληνικής παρουσίας ως τον 4ο αιώνα ΠΚΧ, με αγγεία που εισάγονταν από τη Μίλητο, και μ’ επιδέξιες ντόπιες απομιμήσεις τους, προφανώς από Έλληνες αγγειοπλάστες. Ο Λιμήν είναι το κλειδί για να κατανοήσουμε τον ρόλο των πρώτων Ελλήνων που έφτασαν στην Εγγύς Ανατολή, κατά την έναρξη της ανατολίζουσας περιόδου στην ιστορία τής ελληνικής τέχνης. Σύμφωνα με μια υπόθεση του Robin Lane Fox, το ελληνικό όνομα του Λιμένα θα πρέπει να ήταν Ποταμοί Κάρων, που μνημονεύει ο Διόδωρος Σικελιώτης, συνδέοντάς το με τη λέξη “κάρου” (“εμπόριον”) σε ασσυριακή επιγραφή, και άρα, θα μπορούσε ν’ αποδοθεί ως “Ποταμοί Εμπορίων”.

Σουμεριακή αργυρή λύρα (2600-2400 ΠΚΧ)

Ο Woolley είχε ταυτίσει τον Λιμένα με το Ποσείδιον, το οποίον αναφέρουν οι Ηρόδοτος και Στράβων, αλλά πιο πρόσφατες μελέτες τοποθετούν το δεύτερο στο Ρας αλ-Μπασίτ, 53 χιλιόμετρα βόρεια της Λαττάκειας (ελληνιστικής Λαοδίκειας), στα παράλια της Μεσογείου. Οι ανασκαφές αποκάλυψαν έναν μικρό οικισμό τής ύστερης εποχής τού μπρούντζου, όταν ήταν ενδεχομένως προπύργιο της Ουγκαρίτ που βρισκόταν νοτιότερα. Σε αντίθεση, όμως, με την Ουγκαρίτ, το Ποσείδιον επέζησε από τις επιδρομές των Λαών τής Θάλασσας και πέρασε στην εποχή τού σιδήρου. Είχε ισχυρούς δεσμούς με την Φοινίκη και την Κύπρο, ενώ η εκεί ελληνική παρουσία πιστοποιείται από τον 7ο αιώνα ΠΚΧ. Κατά την ελληνιστική περίοδο, το Ποσείδιον επεκτάθηκε και η ακρόπολή του οχυρώθηκε.

Ένα από τα δυο ειδώλια Κριός μέσα σε βάτο. Οι ανασκαφές στην Ουρ ήταν κοινοπραξία Βρετανικού Μουσείου και Πανεπιστημίου τής Πενσυλβάνιας: η λεία fifty-fifty!

Ο Woolley βρέθηκε στον Λιμένα το 1936, ύστερα από τις ανασκαφές του στην Ουρ τής Μεσοποταμίας, όπου έφερε στο φως πολυτελείς σουμεριακούς βασιλικούς τάφους. Αποφάσισε να εργαστεί στα παράλια της Μεσογείου, επειδή ενδιαφερόταν να ιχνηλατήσει τις σχέσεις μεταξύ των πολιτισμών τού Αιγαίου και της Μεσοποταμίας, θέλοντας να ρίξει φως, όπως έγραψε, “στην ανάπτυξη του κρητικού πολιτισμού και τις διασυνδέσεις του με τους μεγάλους πολιτισμούς τής Εγγύτερης Ασίας”. Απογοητευμένος που δεν είχε βρει πόλη τής εποχής τού μπρούντζου στην Αλ-Μίνα, έστρεψε σύντομα το ενδιαφέρον του στην αρχαιότερη και πιο αστικοποιημένη περιοχή τής Αλαλάχ, όπου εργάστηκε πριν και μετά από τον Β΄ Παγκόσμιο Πόλεμο (1937-39 και 1946-49). Φαίνεται, όμως, πως η “ματιά” του κάθε άλλο παρά “αμερόληπτη” ήταν, γιατί και αυτός ήταν “διοπτροφόρος”, με “ασιατικά μυωπικά γυαλιά”. Τα στοιχεία για τις “διασυνδέσεις” που τον ενδιέφεραν ήταν φυσικά εκεί. Όμως, έχοντας ήδη στο μυαλό του ένα επεξεργασμένο σενάριο και, προφανώς, την κρυφή φιλοδοξία να φέρει τα πάνω-κάτω στο έργο τού Arthur Evans στην Κρήτη, οδηγήθηκε σ’ εσφαλμένα συμπεράσματα. Αν η Ουρ υπήρξε το Άουστερλίτς του, η Αλαλάχ κατέληξε να γίνει το δικό του Βατερλώ! Η αδυναμία του να ερμηνεύσει σωστά τα ευρήματά του, θα πρέπει να διδάσκεται σε όλες τις Αρχαιολογικές Σχολές, και να γίνει μάθημα για κάθε κοντόφθαλμο μελετητή.^(β)

Οι Lawrence (αριστερά) και Woolley
στην Καρχεμίδα

• ^(β) Ο “Sir” Charles Leonard Woolley (1880-1960), γνωστός για τις ανασκαφές του στην Ουρ, δεν ήταν κανένας συνηθισμένος αρχαιολόγος. Θεωρείται από τους πρώτους “σύγχρονους” αρχαιολόγους, που χρίσθηκε μάλιστα “ιππότης” το 1935 για τη συμβολή του στην επιστήμη του. Άρχισε την καριέρα του το 1906, όταν ο Arthur Evans τον πρότεινε ως εθελοντή, ώστε να προχωρήσουν οι ανασκαφές σε μια ρωμαϊκή εγκατάσταση της βόρειας Αγγλίας, αν και αργότερα παραδέχθηκε: “Ποτέ δεν σπούδασα αρχαιολογικές μεθόδους, ούτε καν από βιβλία… και δεν είχα ιδέα πώς να κάνω κάποιο τοπογραφικό σχέδιο ή μια κάτοψη”. Συνεργάστηκε με τον Thomas Edward Lawrence, τον μετέπειτα διάσημο “Lawrence τής Αραβίας”, στην ανασκαφή τής χεττιτικής Καρχεμίδος (της ελληνιστικής Ευρωπού) το 1912-14. Η εργασία του στην Ουρ, που άρχισε το 1922, οδήγησε στην ανακάλυψη των βασιλικών τάφων, κι ενέπνευσε την Agatha Christie να γράψει το μυθιστόρημα Έγκλημα στη Μεσοποταμία. Η συγγραφέας μάλιστα παντρεύτηκε αργότερα τον βοηθό του, Max Mallowan. Ο Woolley ήταν ένας από τους αρχαιολόγους που πρότεινε πως ο “μέγας κατακλυσμός” τής Βίβλου δεν ήταν παρά μια τοπική πλημμύρα. Το σχετικό στρώμα που εντόπισε στην Ουρ ήταν “μήκους 400 μιλίων και πλάτους 100 – αλλά για τους κατοίκους τής κοιλάδας ήταν ο κόσμος όλος”…

Με την κρυφή φιλοδοξία να φέρει τα πάνω-κάτω στο έργο τού Evans στην Κρήτη, ο Woolley οδηγήθηκε σε λάθος συμπεράσματα. Αν η Ουρ υπήρξε το Άουστερλίτς του, η Αλαλάχ κατέληξε ως το Βατερλώ του!

Το ανάκτορο της Κνωσού σε αναπαράσταση

ΑΝΑΦΕΡΟΜΕΝΟΣ ΣΕ ΜΙΝΩΙΤΕΣ ΤΕΧΝΙΤΕΣ ταξιδεύοντας στο εξωτερικό: Οι νωπογραφίες στην Αλαλάχ και η δαπεδογραφία σε κονίαμα στο Τελ Κάμπρι, ο Γερμανός αρχαιολόγος Wolf-Dietrich Niemeier εξηγεί πώς η φιλοδοξία τού Woolley ν’ ανατρέψει τον Evans, του γύρισε boomerang:

Η μοναδικότητα και η φαινομενικά αιφνίδια εμφάνιση του κρητικού ανακτορικού συστήματος στο Αιγαίο αποδίδεται συχνά στις διασυνδέσεις και τις επιδράσεις των αρχαιότερων προηγμένων πολιτισμών τής αρχαίας Εγγύς Ανατολής… Στην Αλαλάχ… ο Woolley πίστεψε πως είχε βρει αυτό που έψαχνε: στο ανάκτορο του Γιαρίμ-Λιμ αναγνώρισε “αναμφίβολες διασυνδέσεις” με τη μινωική Κρήτη. Δομικές τεχνικές παρόμοιες… καθώς και νωπογραφίες “πανομοιότυπες στην χρήση των χρωμάτων, την τεχνική και την τεχνοτροπία” στην Αλαλάχ και την Κνωσό, τον οδήγησαν στο συμπέρασμα ότι “δεν μπορεί να υπάρξει καμιά αμφιβολία πως η Κρήτη οφείλει τα καλύτερα δείγματα αρχιτεκτονικής της και τις νωπογραφίες της στην ασιατική ηπειρωτική χώρα”, και ότι “τείνουμε να πιστέψουμε πως είχαν προσκληθεί ειδικοί μάστορες, μέλη των Συντεχνιών των Αρχιτεκτόνων και των Ζωγράφων, που ταξίδεψαν δια θαλάσσης από την Ασία (πιθανόν από την Αλαλάχ) για να οικοδομήσουν και διακοσμήσουν τ’ ανάκτορα των Κρητών ηγεμόνων”.

“Η Κρήτη οφείλει τα καλύτερα δείγματα αρχιτεκτονικής της και τις νωπογραφίες της στην Ασία. Είχαν προσκληθεί ειδικοί μάστορες, μέλη
των Συντεχνιών Αρχιτεκτόνων και Ζωγράφων, για να οικοδομήσουν και διακοσμήσουν τ’ ανάκτορα των Κρητών ηγεμόνων”. (Leonard Woolley)

Η Yamhad, με πρωτεύουσα το Halab (Χαλέπι), και διάφορα τοπωνύμια που αναφέρονται στο Χρονικό: Alalakh, Babylon, Carchemish, Hazor,
Mari, Qatna, Ugarit, Ur.

Το κύριο επιχείρημα του Woolley γι’ αυτήν την θεωρία, που υιοθέτησαν επιφανείς μελετητές,^(γ) [!] ήταν ότι “το ανάκτορο του Γιαρίμ-Λιμ προηγείται κατά έναν και πλέον αιώνα των κρητικών δειγμάτων με την ίδια τεχνοτροπία”… Ωστόσο, μετά από μακρά δημόσια συζήτηση περί της “Χρονολόγησης της Αλαλάχ”, η χρονολογία τού Woolley [“πάνω-κάτω μεταξύ 1780 και 1730 π.Χ.”] αποδείχθηκε υπερβολικά μεγάλη. Ο Γιαρίμ-Λιμ τής Αλαλάχ δεν ήταν – όπως νόμισε ο Woolley – ο Γιαρίμ-Λιμ Α΄ τής Γιαμχάντ, σύγχρονος του μεγάλου Χαμουραμπί τής Βαβυλώνας, αλλά ένας νεότερος αδερφός τού βασιλιά Abban [Αμπά-Ελ;] τής Γιαμχάντ, που του είχε δώσει την Αλαλάχ ως πριγκιπάτο επικαρπίας…^(δ) Οι χρονολογίες που πρότειναν πρόσφατα διάφοροι μελετητές κυμαίνονται πάνω-κάτω μεταξύ 1650 και 1575 π.Χ. Όσον αφορά την αρχιτεκτονική… τα στοιχεία κάθε άλλο παρά τεκμηριώνουν την θεωρία τού Woolley γι’ αρχιτέκτονες από την Εγγύς Ανατολή που εργάστηκαν στην Κρήτη… Οι ορθοστάτες τής Αλαλάχ είναι κατά περίπου 300 χρόνια μεταγενέστεροι των ορθοστατών τής πρώτης φάσης τού παλαιού ανακτόρου τής Φαιστού… Σπαράγματα των τοιχογραφιών τού ανακτόρου τού Γιαρίμ-Λιμ παρουσιάζουν χαρακτηριστικά μινωικά μοτίβα που εμφανίζονται στην ίδια εποχή ή και νωρίτερα στην Κρήτη. Επιπλέον, η αίσθηση της κίνησης, ευδιάκριτη στα σπαράγματα των τοιχογραφιών τού ανακτόρου τού Γιαρίμ-Λιμ, αποτελεί χαρακτηριστικό μινωικό κι έρχεται σε αντίθεση με την παράδοση της Εγγύς Ανατολής.

• ^(γ) Ποιος είπε πως ο… διοπτροφόρος καϋμάν κροκόδειλος είναι απειλούμενο είδος; [!]

• ^(δ) Η Γιαμχάντ είχε τρεις βασιλιάδες ονόματι Γιαρίμ-Λιμ· υπήρχαν, άλλωστε, πολύ περισσότεροι συνώνυμοι τοπικοί ηγεμόνες, όπως αυτός της Αλαλάχ. Ο Woolley – ειδικά αυτός! – θα έπρεπε να είναι περισσότερο προσεχτικός προτού να γράψει πως “η Κρήτη οφείλει τα καλύτερα δείγματα αρχιτεκτονικής της και τις νωπογραφίες της στην ασιατική ηπειρωτική χώρα”…

Νωπογραφία παπύρων στην Θήρα

Το πιο δυνατό επιχείρημα του Woolley για άμεση σύνδεση των τοιχογραφιών τής Αλαλάχ μ’ εκείνες της Κρήτης ήταν πως και στις δυο περιπτώσεις έχουμε να κάνουμε με γνήσιες νωπογραφίες σε υγρό ασβεστοκονίαμα. Όμως, είναι αυτό ακριβώς το γεγονός που καθιστά σαφώς αναξιόπιστη την θεωρία τού Woolley περί της καταγωγής τής κρητικής νωπογραφίας από την Εγγύς Ανατολή. Έως πολύ πρόσφατα, οι νωπογραφίες τής Αλαλάχ αποτελούσαν το μοναδικό γνωστό παράδειγμα γνήσιας νωπογραφίας στην αρχαία Εγγύς Ανατολή. Η γνήσια νωπογραφία είναι γνωστή στην Κρήτη τουλάχιστον από το 1900 π.Χ. περίπου. Έτσι φαίνεται πως η γνήσια νωπογραφία πρωτοεμφανίστηκε στην Κρήτη, προφανώς επειδή ταίριαζε στην ιδιοσυγκρασία των Μινωιτών καλλιτεχνών. Άρα, η τεχνική, η τεχνοτροπία και η εικονογραφία των σπαραγμάτων των νωπογραφιών τού ανακτόρου τού Γιαρίμ-Λιμ στην Αλαλάχ, δείχνουν πως οι ομοιότητές τους με τις κρητικές τοιχογραφίες κινήθηκαν προς την αντίθετη κατεύθυνση από εκείνην που αρχικά πίστεψε ο Woolley.

“Η αίσθηση της κίνησης αποτελεί χαρακτηριστικό μινωικό, σε αντίθεση
με την παράδοση της Ανατολής. Όλα δείχνουν πως οι ομοιότητές τους
με τις κρητικές τοιχογραφίες κινήθηκαν προς την αντίθετη κατεύθυνση από εκείνην που πίστεψε ο Woolley. Κάμπρι και Αλαλάχ παρουσιάζουν μιαν αμιγώς μινωική εικονογραφία και τεχνική. Η μόνη εξήγηση: φιλοτεχνήθηκαν από Μινωίτες τεχνίτες.” (Wolf-Dietrich Niemeier)

Τελετουργικό περιρραντήριο
από χαλαζία, Κάτω Ζάκρος

Υπάρχουν πολλά στοιχεία πως τα κρητικά καλλιτεχνήματα ήταν περιζήτητα στην αρχαία Εγγύς Ανατολή. Στις πινακίδες τής Mari μνημονεύονται εισαγωγές από Κρήτη… Η αναγνωρισμένη αξία των κρητικών προϊόντων φαίνεται στα κείμενα της Μάρι, από το γεγονός ότι δυο από αυτά επιδόθηκαν από τον βασιλιά Ζίμρι-Λιμ τής Μάρι σε άλλους Μεσοποτάμιους μονάρχες. Όπως καταδεικνύουν αγγεία από τις Καμάρες που βρέθηκαν στην Ουγκαρίτ, την Κάτνα, τη Βύβλο, και το Χάζορ, αυτή η εξαίρετη αγγειοπλαστική έχαιρε υψηλής εκτίμησης στο Λεβάντε. Έτσι, τουλάχιστον από τον 19ο π.Χ. αιώνα και μετά, η Κρήτη, στο πλαίσιο των σχέσεών της με το Λεβάντε, δεν ήταν μόνον δέκτης, αλλά είχε εξελιχθεί σε ισότιμο εταίρο, που παρήγαγε έργα τέχνης για τα οποία υπήρχε μεγάλη ζήτηση στην Εγγύς Ανατολή.^(ε) Τα εν λόγω κρητικά καλλιτεχνήματα έφταναν με κάποιο είδος ανταλλαγών ή εμπορίου στο Λεβάντε. Όμως, όπως παρατήρησε και ο Woolley, “δεν είναι δυνατή η εξαγωγή ενός ανακτόρου πάνω σε πλοίο, ούτε και η ‘μυστηριώδης τέχνη’ τής νωπογραφίας είναι εμπόρευμα”.^(ς) Οφείλουμε, συνεπώς, ν’ ανασυνθέσουμε το ακριβώς αντίθετο σενάριο από αυτό που πρότεινε ο Woolley, δηλαδή Κρήτες τεχνίτες να ταξιδεύουν στην Αλαλάχ για να ζωγραφίσουν τις εκεί νωπογραφίες;

• ^(ε) Αγνοώ τη λεβαντίνικη συμβολή στον μινωικό πολιτισμό και, δυστυχώς, ο Niemeier δεν δίνει πληροφορίες επί του θέματος. Αυτό που ξέρω καλά είναι πόσο υπόχρεοι και ωφελημένοι ήταν οι Κρήτες μαθαίνοντας από τους Αιγύπτιους (βλέπε Χρονικό 12). Φαντάζομαι επίσης πόσο θα είχαν ωφεληθεί και οι Αιγύπτιοι, αν δεν ήταν τόσο ψηλομύτες, ώστε να επιτρέψουν στον εαυτό τους να διδαχθούν από τους Κρήτες…

• ^(ς) Ανάλογο ήταν το επιχείρημά μου για να δείξω την αναγκαιότητα της ελληνικής παρουσίας στην Ιβηρία: “Αυτό που τα φοινικικά πλοία ήταν αδύνατο να μεταφέρουν και, συνεπώς, καθιστούσε την ελληνική παρουσία απολύτως αναγκαία στην Ιβηρία, ήταν ο πολιτισμός, η τέχνη, οι ιδέες, τ’ αρχιτεκτονικά πρότυπα, οι ταφικές συνήθειες των Ελλήνων, και ούτω καθεξής” (βλέπε Χρονικό 17).

Κνωσός: αναπαράσταση της Αίθουσας του Θρόνου με τους γρύπες

Στην “Μεγάλη Χαναάν”…^(ζ) υπάρχουν δυο τόποι που μπορούν να μας δώσουν περισσότερα στοιχεία για το πρόβλημα: Κάτνα και Τελ Κάμπρι. Σπαράγματα των τοιχογραφιών των ανακτόρων στην Κάτνα παρουσιάζουν… αιγαιοπελαγίτικα χαρακτηριστικά. Το Κάμπρι βρίσκεται σ’ έναν από τους σπουδαιότερους εμπορικούς δρόμους τής αρχαίας Εγγύς Ανατολής, [τον Δρόμο των Φιλισταίων,] που μεταγενέστερα ονομάστηκε Via Maris…^(η) Στ’ ανάκτορα του ντόπιου ηγεμόνα, ένα κατώφλι φέρει κονίαμα και είναι ζωγραφισμένο με… τεχνικές και σχέδια δαπέδων παρόμοια των μινωικών ανακτόρων, αλλά όχι της αρχαίας Εγγύς Ανατολής… Υπάρχουν ενδείξεις πως οι τοίχοι τού δωματίου ήταν επίσης καλυμμένοι με ζωγραφιστό κονίαμα, από το οποίο, δυστυχώς, σώζονται μόνον ελάχιστα σπαράγματα. Το δάπεδο με το κονίαμα είναι ζωγραφισμένο με την τεχνική τής γνήσιας νωπογραφίας (true fresco)… που απαντάται επίσης στην κρητική και θηραϊκή νωπογραφία, και όχι με την tempera και το fresco secco. Τα χρώματα της δαπεδογραφίας είναι… πανομοιότυπα μ’ εκείνα της κρητικής και θηραϊκής τοιχογραφίας… Αρχικά, το πάτωμα… ήταν απομίμηση πέτρινου πλακόστρωτου… Στην Κρήτη πατώματα με ζωγραφισμένο ασβεστοκονίαμα που απομιμούνται πλακόστρωτα δάπεδα είναι γνωστά από [το 2000 ΠΚΧ περίπου]. Άλλα τμήματα του δαπέδου στο Κάμπρι ήταν διακοσμημένα με φυτικά μοτίβα. Ανάμεσά τους περιλαμβάνονται αλυσίδες στυλιζαρισμένων γραμμικών λουλουδιών ίριδας, ενός χαρακτηριστικού μινωικού τύπου, που απαντάται αρχικά σε νωπογραφίες και την αγγειογραφία [κατά το 1700-1500 ΠΚΧ]. Αυτό το είδος διακοσμητικού μίγματος αποτελεί χαρακτηριστικό γνώρισμα της μινωικής νωπογραφίας… Το δάπεδο στο Κάμπρι, καθώς και τα σπαράγματα των νωπογραφιών των ανακτόρων τού Γιαρίμ-Λιμ στην Αλαλάχ, δεν έχουν απλώς μεμονωμένα μινωικά μοτίβα που είναι ξένα στη “Μεγάλη Χαναάν”, και τα οποία θα μπορούσαν να εξηγηθούν ως στοιχεία που διείσδυσαν, ή ενσωματώθηκαν, φτάνοντας εκεί μέσω της μεταφοράς μοτίβων, αλλά παρουσιάζουν μιαν αμιγώς μινωική εικονογραφία, καθώς και τεχνική. Η μόνη εξήγηση που υπάρχει είναι πως φιλοτεχνήθηκαν από περιοδεύοντες Μινωίτες τεχνίτες…

Ασερά, Χαναναία θεά γονιμότητας και μητρότητας

• ^(ζ) Μεγάλη Χαναάν: “η περιοχή ανάμεσα στην πεδιάδα Αμίκ [στα πέριξ τής μεταγενέστερης Αντιόχειας] προς βορρά, και τις ερήμους προς νότον και ανατολάς, κατά τη μέση και ύστερη εποχή τού μπρούντζου… φαίνεται ν’ απαρτίζει έναν εν πολλοίς ομοιόμορφο πολιτισμό με τοπικές παραλλαγές.” (Ρουθ Αμιράν).

• ^(η) Δυστυχώς για τους Ισραηλινούς Εβραίους, το ιστορικό όνομα της οδού ήταν Δρόμος των Φιλισταίων, επειδή διέσχιζε την φιλισταϊκή πεδιάδα, όπου βρίσκεται και η Λωρίδα τής Γάζας. Το Via Maris “αλιεύτηκε” στη λατινική μετάφραση της Καινής Διαθήκης – “via maris”, δηλαδή “παραθαλάσσια οδός” – παρόλο που δεν προσδιόριζε κάποιον δρόμο (δεν υπήρξε ποτέ καμιά ρωμαϊκή οδός με αυτό το όνομα). Η μετονομασία έγινε για να… εκδιωχθούν οι Παλαιστίνιοι από την πατρίδα τους, ακόμη και με όρους αρχαιολογίας!

Η μικρή Παριζιάνα-Κρητικοπούλα…

Έχουμε στοιχεία γι’ ανταλλαγή πληροφοριών αναφορικά με τον εξοπλισμό των ανακτόρων στους κόλπους τής αρχαίας Εγγύς Ανατολής (στην οποία ανήκε και η μινωική Κρήτη, κατά κάποιον τρόπο, ως το δυτικότερο μέλος). Το ότι οι Κρήτες ταξίδευαν πράγματι στη λεβαντίνικη ακτή αποδεικνύεται από μια πινακίδα των αρχείων τής Μάρι, που μνημονεύει κάποιον Κρήτα αγοραστή κασσίτερου στην Ουγκαρίτ από πράκτορες των ανακτόρων τής Μάρι. Μια παράδοση μυθολογικής ποίησης της Ουγκαρίτ είναι άκρως ενδιαφέρουσα σε συνάρτηση με το θέμα μας. Η θεά Άναθ, λέει, στέλνει διά θαλάσσης τον θεϊκό αγγελιαφόρο στον θεό τής χειροτεχνίας, Kothar wa-Khasis, που μεταφέρεται από τον θρόνο του στο Kptr (που σχεδόν όλοι το διαβάζουν ως Caphtor = Κρήτη)^(θ) ώστε να χτίσει ένα υπέροχο ανάκτορο για τον θεό Βάαλ και να το κοσμήσει με ανεκτίμητα έργα τέχνης. Κατά τον Arvid Schou Kapelrud, ο Κόθαρ “είναι ο αρχιτέκτονας και αρχισιδηρουργός, καθώς βρίσκεται στις αυλές τής Εγγύς Ανατολής τής εποχής αυτής, ένας μάστορας με υψηλή εξειδίκευση”. Στην χαναανική μυθολογία ο θεός τής χειροτεχνίας κλήθηκε από την Κρήτη για να κοσμήσει τ’ ανάκτορα των θεών με ανεκτίμητα έργα τέχνης. Στην πραγματικότητα οι ηγεμόνες τού Κάμπρι (Rehov) και της Αλαλάχ (και άλλων πόλεων, ενδεχομένως της Κάτνα) ζήτησαν από τους ηγεμόνες τής Κρήτης να τους στείλουν τεχνίτες για να διακοσμήσουν τ’ ανάκτορά τους με νωπογραφίες. Όπως έδειξε ο Carlo Zaccagnini, η αποστολή εξειδικευμένων εργατών είναι πλήρως επιβεβαιωμένη στο πλαίσιο των διπλωματικών σχέσεων μεταξύ των ηγεμόνων τής αρχαίας Εγγύς Ανατολής, με τα ταξίδια αυτά να εντάσσονται στη δυναμική και τον επίσημο μηχανισμό τής πρακτικής ανταλλαγής δώρων.

• ^(θ) Το “KPTR” ίσως ν’ αντιστοιχεί στο “Caphtor”. Όμως, η εξίσωση του τελευταίου με την Κρήτη αποτελεί το ελάχιστα πιθανό σενάριο. Το βιβλικό τοπωνύμιο ίσως ν’ αναφέρεται στα εξής μέρη: α) Πηλούσιον, στο δέλτα τού Νείλου, β) Κιλικία, γ) Κύπρος, και δ) Κρήτη (βλέπε Χρονικό 15). Η Αίγυπτος συγκεντρώνει και στην περίπτωσή μας τις περισσότερες πιθανότητες, επειδή σε όλες τις αναφορές στον Κόθαρ, εκτός τής παραπάνω ποιητικής παράδοσης, ο θρόνος του βρίσκεται στο “HKPT”, που διαβάζεται ενδεχομένως ως “Hikaptah”, ή “Οίκος τής ka [ψυχής] τού [θεού] Πτα”, ήτοι Μέμφις. Οι Έλληνες πρόφεραν αυτό το Hikaptah ως Αίγυπτος, εξ ου και τ’ όνομα της χώρας σε πολλές γλώσσες.

Μινωική ζωφόρος, νωπογραφία από την Αύαρι

ΜΕΤΑ ΑΠΟ ΤΙΣ ΝΩΠΟΓΡΑΦΙΕΣ που είχαν βρεθεί στην Αλαλάχ και το Κάμπρι, οι μινωικές τοιχογραφίες στην Αύαρι, κατά τις ανασκαφές τού Manfred Bietak, “δημιούργησαν στην στιγμή μεγάλη αίσθηση καθώς, ανάμεσα στις σκηνές που απεικονίζονται σε αυτές, περιλαμβάνονται θεαματικές αναπαραστάσεις με ταυροκαθάψια, που έχουν συνδεθεί τόσο στενά με τη μινωική λατρεία και κουλτούρα”, όπως γράφουν οι Wolf-Dietrich και Barbara Niemeier, σ’ ένα άλλο κείμενό τους περί Μινωικών Νωπογραφιών στην Ανατολική Μεσόγειο:

Μινωική ετεροτοπία στην Αύαρι (λεπτομέρεια)

“Ήδη από το 1990, προτείναμε πως οι νωπογραφίες στο Κάμπρι και την Αλαλάχ φιλοτεχνήθηκαν από περιοδεύοντες Αιγαιοπελαγίτες μάστορες, και το ίδιο έκαναν [λίγο αργότερα] ο Bietak και η Ναννώ Μαρινάτου, αναφορικά με τις νωπογραφίες στην Αύαρι”. Ένα μικροπρόβλημα μεταξύ των εν λόγω αρχαιολόγων αφορά την χρονολόγηση των νωπογραφιών στο δέλτα τού Νείλου. Επιθυμώντας ίσως να μη δυσαρεστήσουν κανέναν, “ο Bietak και η Μαρινάτου κατέληξαν στο συμπέρασμα πως ‘μινωικές τοιχογραφίες υπήρχαν στην Αύαρι τόσο κατά την ύστερη περίοδο των Υξώς, όσο και στην πρώιμη της 18ης δυναστείας’. Ο ίδιος ο Bietak θεωρούσε πιθανό πως ‘και μετά από τη δυναστική αλλαγή, θα παρέμειναν ζωντανές οι εμπορικές… σχέσεις ανάμεσα στην Αύαρι και την Κρήτη… και θα συνεχίστηκαν και κατά τη 18η δυναστεία, ακόμη και μετά από την πτώση των Υξώς.’ Υπάρχουν όντως αρκετά ιστορικά στοιχεία πως το είδος των διπλωματικών και οικονομικών σχέσεων που κρύβονται προφανώς πίσω από αυτές τις νωπογραφίες επιβιώνουν των καθεστωτικών αλλαγών.

“Κατά τον Bietak, ‘ο βασιλιάς Άμασις [Άμωσις], ο ιδρυτής τής 18ης δυναστείας, ταιριάζει περίφημα στην εικόνα των μινωικών διασυνδέσεων.’ Φαντάζεται και το ενδεχόμενο κάποιας πολιτικής συμφωνίας ανάμεσα στον Άμασι και τη ‘Μινωική Θαλασσοκρατορία’, στο πλαίσιο της οποίας ο μινωικός στόλος βοήθησε τον Άμασι – που δεν είχε καθόλου πλοία – απέναντι στον κίνδυνο, ο οποίος εξακολουθούσε να τον απειλεί, από τις ναυτικές βάσεις των Υξώς στη νότια Παλαιστίνη. Αρχαιολογικά ή γραπτά στοιχεία γι’ αυτήν την υπόθεση δεν υπάρχουν, φέρνοντάς μας στο μυαλό κάποια μάλλον ευφάνταστα και ξεχασμένα πλέον σενάρια σχετικά με την εκδίωξη των Υξώς, όπως εκείνα κατά τα οποία Μυκηναίοι μισθοφόροι βοήθησαν τον Άμασι να διώξει τους Υξώς, ή ότι φυγάδες πρίγκιπες των Υξώς κατέκτησαν την Αργολίδα και κατόπιν θάφτηκαν στους Ταφικούς Περιβόλους των Μυκηνών. Εκτός αυτού, ο Άμασις είχε ήδη στόλο: κατέλαβε την Αύαρι με σειρά χερσαίων, αλλά και ναυτικών επιθέσεων, [και κατόπιν] κατευθύνθηκε προς τη νότια Παλαιστίνη.”

Ο Άμασις καταδιώκει τους Υξώς

Ακόμη κι ένας φαραώ με δικό του στόλο θα προτιμούσε σαφώς να έχει το πιο έμπειρο κρητικό ναυτικό στο πλευρό του, και όχι ενάντιά του, σε συμμαχία με τους Υξώς! Οι τοιχογραφίες στην Αύαρι δείχνουν την εμπλοκή τής Αιγύπτου στις διεθνείς σχέσεις, αλλά και στις πολιτισμικές ανταλλαγές με την ανατολική Μεσόγειο, με ανταλλαγές δώρων, ή με γάμους. Υποδηλώνουν, επιπλέον, την ανάμιξη των μινωικών αρχών στις αιγυπτιακές υποθέσεις, ενδεχομένως λόγω του ισχυρού ναυτικού που η Κρήτη μπορούσε να διαθέσει στον φαραώ, ενώ αναδεικνύουν την Αύαρι ως επίκεντρο αυτών των πολιτισμικών ανταλλαγών, που σημαίνει πως η πόλη είχε εξαιρετική σπουδαιότητα για την Αίγυπτο.

Κορίτσι από το Ακρωτήρι τής Θήρας: λεπτομέρεια της νωπογραφίας των κρίνων

Ο γάμος μιας Μινωίτισσας πριγκίπισσας με κάποιον Αιγύπτιο φαραώ είναι ένα πιθανό σενάριο. Κατά τον Bietak, οι τοιχογραφίες στην Αύαρι φιλοτεχνήθηκαν από Μινωίτες καλλιτέχνες που ήταν μέλη τής συνοδείας κάποιας πριγκίπισσας της Κνωσού, η οποία έγινε σύζυγος του φαραώ. Και ποιος ήταν ο… γαμπρός; Αρχικά τον προσδιόρισε ως κάποιον ηγεμόνα των Υξώς, μετά είπε πως ήταν ο Άμασις, και στο τέλος, ο Τούθμωσις ο Γ΄. Εν τέλει, ποιον παντρεύτηκε η Κρητικοπούλα; Η έκρηξη του ηφαιστείου τής Θήρας, περί το 1627-1600 ΠΚΧ, συνέβη κατά την περίοδο των Υξώς (1650–1550). Συνεπώς, αν ο γαμπρός ήταν κάποιος ηγεμόνας τους, οι βασιλικοί γάμοι θα έγιναν ή στην αρχή, ή στο τέλος τής κυριαρχίας τους στην Αίγυπτο. Ακολουθεί ο Άμασις, με το Νέο Βασίλειο, όταν οι Αιγύπτιοι θεωρούσαν το Αιγαίο ως τμήμα τής “αυτοκρατορίας” τους. Τον όρο δεν πρέπει να τον παίρνουμε τοις μετρητοίς, μια και στην χώρα τού Νείλου παρεξηγούσαν ως και τα δώρα που προσφέρονταν στον φαραώ: “Οι Αιγύπτιοι, με την χαρακτηριστική τους εγωκεντρική αίσθηση ανωτερότητας, θα είχαν παρουσιάσει αυτά τα δώρα ως φόρο υποτέλειας” (Α. Κ. Schulman). Εν πάση περιπτώσει, “ο Άμασις ταιριάζει περίφημα στην εικόνα των μινωικών διασυνδέσεων”. Αλλά και ο Τούθμωσις θα μπορούσε κάλλιστα να είναι ο γαμπρός. Άλλωστε, ξέρουμε πως είχε τρεις ξένες συζύγους: τις Μενβί, Μερτί, και Μενχέτ. Υπήρξε, ωστόσο, ένα πρόβλημα: άλλη μια δυναστική αλλαγή κατά τη βασιλεία του, στα μέσα τού 15ου αιώνα ΠΚΧ, όχι στην Αίγυπτο, μα στην Κρήτη, όταν ήρθε η σειρά των Μινωιτών να τεθούν υπό τον ζυγό των δικών τους “Υξώς” (ξένων ηγεμόνων), των Μυκηναίων. Άρα, αν υπήρξε γάμος, θα έγινε στην αρχή τής βασιλείας τού Τούθμωσι, όταν πραγματικός φαραώ ήταν η μητριά του, Χατσεψούτ, ή έστω, αμέσως μετά από τον θάνατό της το 1458.

Θηραϊκές ροζέτες

Ό,τι και αν συνέβη τελικά, οι μοναδικές αυτές τοιχογραφίες είναι μινωικές ως προς την τεχνοτροπία, την τεχνική, και το θέμα. Υπάρχει μια μακρά ζωφόρος με σκηνές από ταυροκαθάψια και το διακοσμητικό θέμα τού λαβυρίνθου στο φόντο. Η Μαρινάτου υποθέτει πως το μοτίβο τής ροζέτας, που αποτελεί ιδιαίτερο χαρακτηριστικό των τοιχογραφιών Taureador (ταυροκαθαψίων), αναπαράγει τις ροζέτες τής Κνωσού, και πρόκειται για ένα ξεχωριστό μινωικό σύμβολο. Απεικονίζονται, επιπλέον, γρύπες, σκηνές κυνηγιού, αιλουροειδή να κυνηγούν οπληφόρα, διάφορες μορφές σε φυσικό μέγεθος, και μια λευκή γυναίκα φορώντας φούστα. Ιδιαίτερης σπουδαιότητας είναι τα εμβλήματα του μινωικού ανακτόρου, όπως η ζωφόρος με τις μισές ροζέτες, ή οι μεγάλοι γρύπες, που έχουν το ίδιο μέγεθος μ’ εκείνους της αίθουσας του θρόνου στην Κνωσό. Η τεχνική τής ζωγραφικής είναι κατεξοχήν αιγαιοπελαγίτικη, ενώ η τεχνοτροπία είναι πολύ υψηλής ποιότητας, και μπορεί να συγκριθεί με τα καλύτερα έργα ζωγραφικής τής Κρήτης. Η χρήση συγκεκριμένων μινωικών βασιλικών μοτίβων σε ανάκτορο στην Αύαρι, κατά τον Bietak, δείχνει πως “πρέπει να έλαβε χώρα κάποια συνάντηση των αυλών τής Κνωσού και της Αιγύπτου στο υψηλότερο επίπεδο,” ενώ το μέγεθος της αναπαράστασης της γυναίκας με την φούστα θα μπορούσε να υποδηλώνει έναν πολιτικό γάμο τού φαραώ με Μινωίτισσα πριγκίπισσα.

Μινωίτισσα ακροβάτις (ελεφαντόδοντο, 2800-1100 ΠΚΧ)

“Οι δυναστικές επιγαμίες ήταν προσφιλής διπλωματική τακτική στην Εγγύς Ανατολή τής εποχής τού μπρούντζου,” επισημαίνουν οι Niemeier. Η συνοδεία μιας ξένης πριγκίπισσας, εκτιμούν ορισμένοι μελετητές, “θ’ αριθμούσε αρκετές εκατοντάδες άτομα, που ως το τέλος τής ζωής τους θα παρέμεναν στο χαρέμι τού φαραώ, και θα μπορούσε κανείς άνετα να φανταστεί, πως στην Αύαρι τα ενδιαιτήματα της ξένης πριγκίπισσας και της συνοδείας της θα είχαν διακοσμηθεί σύμφωνα με τις επιθυμίες της. [Ωστόσο,] οι νωπογραφίες στην Αλαλάχ και το Κάμπρι είχαν μάλλον φιλοτεχνηθεί στους τοίχους των σημαντικών τελετουργικών (πιθανόν και ιεροτελεστικών) αιθουσών των ανακτόρων, και όχι στα ιδιαίτερα ενδιαιτήματα βασιλισσών ή πριγκιπισσών.”

Η τεχνική τής χρήσης τού ασβεστοκονιάματος σε δύο στρώσεις, και με πολύ γυαλιστερή επιφάνεια, η νωπογραφία συνδυασμένη με στόκο (stucco), όλα είναι τεχνικές που πρωτοεμφανίζονται στη μινωική ζωγραφική και δεν είναι αιγυπτιακές. Μα και τα χρώματα που χρησιμοποιούνται είναι σαφώς μινωικά. Η χρήση τού γαλάζιου λ.χ., αντί του γκρίζου, είναι μινωική, μ’ εκείνη την χρωματική σύμβαση, που εμφανίζεται αργότερα στην Αίγυπτο και οφείλεται σ’ αιγαιοπελαγίτικες επιδράσεις. Εκτός αυτών των στοιχείων, να σημειωθεί πως δεν υπάρχουν καθόλου αιγυπτιακά ιερογλυφικά κι εμβλήματα, σε κανένα από τα σπαράγματα που βρέθηκαν. Η σύνθεση των τοιχογραφιών και τα μοτίβα ταιριάζουν επίσης περίφημα μ’ εκείνα του κόσμου τού Αιγαίου. Συνεπώς, είναι όντως συντριπτικά τα στοιχεία που δείχνουν προς την κατεύθυνση Μινωιτών καλλιτεχνών στην Αύαρι.

Αγριόπαπια της Θήρας

“Οι διαφορές τεχνοτροπίας μεταξύ τής αιγυπτιακής και της μινωικής τέχνης αναλύθηκαν από την Henriette Antonia Groenewegen-Frankfort και, πιο πρόσφατα, από τον Bietak,” λένε οι Niemeier. “Κατά την Groenwegen-Frankfort, η μινωική τέχνη διαφέρει από την αιγυπτιακή (κι εκείνην της αρχαίας Εγγύς Ανατολής) ως προς την ‘απόλυτη κινητικότητα των οργανικών μορφών’. Εύστοχα ο Bietak το εξηγεί αυτό με τα διαφορετικά πολιτισμικά πρότυπα των δυο πολιτισμών. Η μινωική κοινωνία δεν κυριαρχούταν από την καταγραφή, την καταλογογράφηση, και την απόλυτη τάξη – όπως η αιγυπτιακή – και συνεπώς, η μινωική τέχνη δεν εξαρτιόταν από ιερογλυφικά clichés και άτεγκτες κανονιστικές διατάξεις. Όσον αφορά τη σύγκριση της χαναανικής με τη μινωική τέχνη, δυστυχώς, δεν διαθέτουμε πολλά καλλιτεχνήματα από το Λεβάντε τής μέσης εποχής τού μπρούντζου. Όμως εκείνα που σώζονται, έχουν τεχνοτροπία σαφώς διαφορετική από τη μινωική. Οι αναπαραστάσεις πουλιών λ.χ. σε οστέινα ένθετα, από μέρη όπως η Μεγιδδώ και η Λάχις, μοιάζουν ακίνητα σε σύγκριση με τον γερανό σε πλάκα ελεφαντόδοντου από το Παλαίκαστρο. Τα χαναανικά γυναικεία και ανδρικά μεταλλικά ειδώλια φαίνονται δύσκαμπτα σε σύγκριση με τα μινωικά γυναικεία και ανδρικά μεταλλικά ειδώλια, που παρουσιάζουν ζωηρή εσωτερική ένταση και δυναμική.”

Η μινωική τέχνη διαφέρει από την αιγυπτιακή ως προς την “απόλυτη κινητικότητα των οργανικών μορφών.” (H.A. Groenewegen-Frankfort)
“Η μινωική κοινωνία δεν κυριαρχούταν από την απόλυτη τάξη – όπως
η αιγυπτιακή – και συνεπώς, η μινωική τέχνη δεν εξαρτιόταν από ιερογλυφικά clichés και άτεγκτες κανονιστικές διατάξεις.” (M. Bietak)

Όπως αποδείχθηκε, οι τοιχογραφίες στην Αύαρι, την Αλαλάχ, το Κάμπρι, ίσως και την Κάτνα (17ος–16ος αιώνας ΠΚΧ), δεν ήταν οι πιο παλιές.

Η Εύφορη Ημισέληνος (με την κοιλάδα τού Νείλου): το λίκνο τού πολιτισμού κατά την κατάρρευση της Εποχής τού Μπρούντζου (επισημαίνονται όλα τα μέρη που αναφέρονται σε αυτό το Χρονικό).

“Προηγήθηκαν οι ζωγραφιστές απομιμήσεις πέτρας στο ανάκτορο του Ζίμρι-Λιμ στη Μάρι [18ος αιώνας ΠΚΧ]. Ο ανασκαφέας τής Μάρι, André Parrot, συγκρίνει τις απομιμήσεις πέτρας μ’ εκείνες στην Κνωσό. Αναζητεί πιθανές διασυνδέσεις μεταξύ των τοιχογραφιών τής Μάρι και της Κνωσού, και, επισημαίνοντας τα σχετικά στοιχεία που μας παρέχουν τ’ αναφερόμενα στ’ αρχεία τής Μάρι πολυτελή μινωικά είδη, τείνει μάλλον να δει κάποια κρητική επίδραση στις εκεί τοιχογραφίες.”

● Η Μάρι (σύγχρονη Tell Hariri) ήταν μακριά από τη Μεσόγειο, στη Μεσοποταμία. Ήταν πόλη των Σουμερίων και των Αμοριτών στον Ευφράτη, που άκμασε από το 2900 ως το 1759 ΠΚΧ, όταν λεηλατήθηκε από τον Χαμουραμπί, παρά τα δώρα που του έδωσε ο βασιλιάς Ζίμρι-Λιμ. Προείχε η στρατηγική θέση τής Μάρι, ως κόμβος διαμετακομιστικός, ανάμεσα στην Κάτω Μεσοποταμία και τη βόρεια Συρία. Η πόλη έφτασε να ελέγχει τους εμπορικούς δρόμους σε διάφορες περιοχές, όπως Περσία, Μεσοποταμία, και Ανατολία. Το βασιλικό παλάτι είχε πάνω από 300 δωμάτια (τουλάχιστον χίλια είχε, λένε, το παλάτι στην Κνωσό!), κι ήταν από τα μεγαλύτερα εκείνης της εποχής. Βρέθηκαν εκεί 25.000 και πλέον πινακίδες, “επιφέροντας την πλήρη αναθεώρηση της ιστορικής χρονολόγησης της αρχαίας Εγγύς Ανατολής, και δίνοντάς μας πάνω από 500 νέα τοπωνύμια, αρκετά για να ξαναφτιάξουμε τον γεωγραφικό χάρτη τού αρχαίου κόσμου,” όπως τόνισε ο André Parrot.

● Η Κάτνα (νυν Tell el-Mishrife), 18 χιλιόμετρα βορειοανατολικά τής Χομς (Έμεσας), ήταν άλλη μια από τις μεγαλύτερες πόλεις τής Συρίας στην εποχή τού μπρούντζου. Με την ανάπτυξη των εμπορικών δρόμων κατά τη 2η χιλιετία, η Μεσοποταμία είχε συνδεθεί με την Κύπρο, την Κρήτη, και την Αίγυπτο. Η Κάτνα μνημονεύεται σε συνδυασμό με το εμπόριο κασσίτερου, που μεταφερόταν από τη Μάρι, διαμέσου Κάτνας, στη Μεσόγειο. Από την άλλη πλευρά μεταφερόταν κυπριακός χαλκός. Το κράμα τους, ο μπρούντζος, ήταν πολυτιμότατος, κατά τις εποχές τού μπρούντζου, ιδίως, αλλά και του σιδήρου.

Έφηβοι Θηραίοι πυγμάχοι

Ως προς την καταγωγή των μελών των “μινωικών” εργαστηρίων, υπάρχουν διάφορα ενδεχόμενα: οι νωπογραφίες φιλοτεχνήθηκαν α) από περιοδεύοντες Αιγαιοπελαγίτες τεχνίτες, β) υπό την επίβλεψη καλλιτεχνών από το Αιγαίο, με τη βοήθεια Λεβαντίνων ζωγράφων, που εκπαιδεύτηκαν από αυτούς, και γ) από Λεβαντίνους μαθητές Αιγαιοπελαγιτών μαστόρων. Η ιδέα για εργαστήρια μικτά φαίνεται πιο ελκυστική, πιθανή και ρεαλιστική. Η διακόσμηση τεράστιων ανακτόρων ήταν επίπονο έργο. Όμως, φαίνεται αδιανόητο να φανταστεί κανείς κρητικά πλοία γεμάτα καλλιτέχνες να ταξιδεύουν δεξιά και αριστερά στη Μεσόγειο προς τον σκοπό αυτό. Οι καλλιτεχνικές ομάδες θα ήταν μάλλον μικρές κι ευέλικτες, δουλεύοντας αναγκαστικά με ντόπιους μαθητευόμενους τεχνίτες.

“Είναι δύσκολο ν’ αποφασίσει κανείς σε κάθε περίπτωση ποιο από αυτά τα ενδεχόμενα ισχύει,” παρατηρούν οι Niemeier. “Θα συμφωνούσαμε με τον Philip P. Betancourt πως γνωρίζουμε μόνον ένα πολύ μικρό ποσοστό νωπογραφιών, και πως ‘αγγίζουμε την κορυφή τού παγόβουνου μιας ολόκληρης σειράς αλληλένδετων εργαστηρίων, που δούλευαν στην Κνωσό, τα νησιά τού Αιγαίου, τα παράλια της δυτικής Ασίας, και την Αίγυπτο, ίσως περιοδεύοντας πηγαινοερχόμενα, ίσως ανταλλάσσοντας κάπου-κάπου προσωπικό, ή επιστρέφοντας στην Κνωσό ώστε να ενημερωθούν για τις πλέον πρόσφατες εξελίξεις’… Οι νωπογραφίες στην Αλαλάχ, το Κάμπρι, και την Αύαρι, πρέπει να ειδωθούν ‘υπό το πρίσμα τής σφυρηλάτησης μιας élite κοινής [‘γλώσσας’] – καλλιτεχνικής, εικονογραφικής, ιδεολογικής, τεχνολογικής – στις συνθήκες των έντονων διά θαλάσσης αλληλεπιδράσεων ανάμεσα στις παράκτιες περιοχές τής ανατολικής Μεσογείου’,” όπως πρότεινε η Susan Sherratt. Η Μαρινάτου έχει επίσης υποστηρίξει, πως τα έργα αυτά είναι ένδειξη μιας κοινής οπτικής γλώσσας κοινών συμβόλων, που μαρτυρά τις αλληλεπιδράσεις ανάμεσα στους ηγεμόνες γειτονικών δυνάμεων. “Οι Μινωίτες καλλιτέχνες, που συμμετείχαν στο ζωγράφισμα όλων αυτών των νωπογραφιών”, συμφωνούν και οι Niemeier, “απετέλεσαν προφανώς ένα σημαντικό στοιχείο στην ανάπτυξη της λεγόμενης ‘Διεθνούς Τεχνοτροπίας’ τής ανατολικής Μεσογείου κατά την ύστερη εποχή τού μπρούντζου.” Και όχι μόνον του ανατολικού τμήματος της mare nostrum, θα προσέθετα: σύμφωνα με ορισμένους εμπειρογνώμονες του fresco, της νωπογραφίας, παρόμοια ζωγραφικά έργα έχουν βρεθεί ως και στο “μακρινό” Μαρόκο!

“Αλληλένδετα εργαστήρια δούλευαν στην Κνωσό, τα νησιά τού Αιγαίου, τα παράλια της δυτικής Ασίας, και την Αίγυπτο, ίσως περιοδεύοντας πηγαινοερχόμενα, ίσως ανταλλάσσοντας προσωπικό, ή επιστρέφοντας στην Κνωσό ώστε να ενημερωθούν”. “Σφυρηλατήθηκε μια élite κοινή – καλλιτεχνική, εικονογραφική, ιδεολογική, τεχνολογική – στις συνθήκες
των έντονων διά θαλάσσης αλληλεπιδράσεων ανάμεσα στις παράκτιες περιοχές τής ανατολικής Μεσογείου.” (P.P. Betancourt και S. Sherratt)

Κρήτες στην Αίγυπτο δώρα φέροντες (μετάλλα, κοσμήματα κλπ.), σε παράσταση των Θηβών στην Αίγυπτο, 18η δυναστεία (αρχές 15ου αι. ΠΚΧ)

Τι ν’ απέγιναν οι τοιχογραφίες στην Αύαρι; Κάποιες αποκολλήθηκαν από τον τοίχο μιας πύλης, ενώ μια ομάδα σπαραγμάτων βρέθηκε σε σκουπιδότοπο στα βορειοανατολικά τού ανακτόρου. Φαίνεται πως οι νωπογραφίες είχαν αφαιρεθεί κατά την ύστερη Τουθμωσική περίοδο – όταν είχε πάψει πλέον να υφίσταται η μινωική Κρήτη.

“Η μινωική νωπογραφία ήταν προφανώς ένα φαινόμενο μάλλον βραχύβιο στο Λεβάντε και την Αίγυπτο – σ’ αιγυπτιακούς όρους, κράτησε όσο η περίοδος των Υξώς και οι απαρχές τής πρώιμης 18ης δυναστείας,” συνοψίζουν οι Niemeier. “Αργότερα βρίσκουμε πάλι ζωγραφιές με σκηνές τής φύσης, που δείχνουν ν’ αναπνέουν μ’ έναν μινωικό αέρα. Είναι φιλοτεχνημένες, όμως, με την τεχνική secco και σίγουρα δεν είναι έργα Αιγαιοπελαγιτών καλλιτεχνών. Η μινωική τοιχογραφία ανήκε στο παρελθόν εκείνη την εποχή.”

Χωρίς μινωική Κρήτη, δεν υπήρχαν περιθώρια για μινωική τέχνη. Βέβαια, τα μινωικά εργαστήρια συνέχισαν να δουλεύουν. Μα τους απασχολούσαν πλέον οι νέοι αφέντες, οι Μυκηναίοι. Δεν υπήρχαν τότε Έλληνες καλλιτέχνες να τους ανταγωνιστούν. Ωστόσο, τα νέα έργα τής τέχνης τους δεν προσδιορίζονται ως “μινωικά”. Χαρακτηρίζονται “μυκηναϊκά”, ενίοτε με την επισήμανση πως φιλοτεχνήθηκαν από κρητικά εργαστήρια. Θα χαρακτήριζε ποτέ κανείς ως “κρητικά” τ’ αριστουργήματα ενός άλλου μεγάλου Κρήτα μάστορα, που έζησε τρεις χιλιετίες αργότερα, και συγκεκριμένα του Δομήνικου Θεοτοκόπουλου, του περίφημου El Greco;

Νωπογραφία πομπής Μυκηναίων γυναικών

Πριν από τον κασσίτερο, ο οψιδιανός…

ΝΑΜΑΣΤΕ ΚΑΙ ΠΑΛΙ ΣΤΗΝ ΑΦΕΤΗΡΙΑ, φίλτατοι συνταξιδιώτες, έχοντας διαγράψει έναν κύκλο: άρχισε με τον Περίπλου και την Κρητομινωική θαλασσοκρατορία, και ολοκληρώθηκε αισίως με τα Εμπόρια και την Κρητομινωική νωπογραφία. Τώρα μπορούμε να ξαναπιάσουμε τον μίτο, τραβώντας προς τα πίσω, πριν από την αφετηρία μας – όταν ο άνθρωπος δεν είχε ακόμη μάθει πώς να δουλεύει τα μέταλλα, τότε που τα θαλασσινά ταξίδια γίνονταν σε αναζήτηση ενός άλλου, εξίσου πολύτιμου υλικού: του οψιδιανού. Ας προγραμματίσουμε, λοιπόν, να πάμε πίσω στη Νεολιθική εποχή! Ας το επιχειρήσουμε τουλάχιστον…

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Μινωική νωπογραφία μεγάλης εξέδρας

Chronicle 27. AN ARCHAEOLOGIST’S WATERLOO

Chronicle 27. AN ARCHAEOLOGIST’S WATERLOO

/ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΑ/ Χρονικό 27. ΤΟ ΒΑΤΕΡΛΩ ΕΝΟΣ ΑΡΧΑΙΟΛΟΓΟΥ

● Emporia in Egypt and the Levant ● Leonard Woolley’s Waterloo ● Itinerant Minoan Artists ● Creto-Egyptian Ties ● Differences Between Minoan and Pharaonic Society and Art

Michales Loukovikas

(…) Hope the voyage is a long one…
May there be many a summer morning when,
with what pleasure, what joy,
you come into harbours seen for the first time!
May you stop at Phoenician emporia
to buy fine things (…)
And may you visit many Egyptian cities
to gather stores of knowledge from their scholars…

(Constantine P. Cavafy, Ithaca)

A Minoan woman

UNDER NORMAL CIRCUMSTANCES, in the process of a research, in order to present a topic, you know beforehand in general terms what you’re looking for, while searching for documentation. However, sometimes the thread you have in hand to find your way in the “labyrinth of history” leads you to unanticipated landscapes, “into harbours seen for the first time”! Then a strong desire is born to “stop at Phoenician emporia… | and visit many Egyptian cities | to gather stores of knowledge from their scholars”, as Cavafy advises in his Ithaca. These are, indeed, the happiest moments of a research!

It happened exactly that when from the Aegean emporia in the historical space of the Mediterranean, I ended up following itinerant Minoan artists to distant lands! I felt I was obliged to give more information about these emporia, after referring to Naucratis in the previous Chronicle, when I realized I have already used this term several times in connection with colonies or trading posts; but the emporia were not exactly colonies or trading posts, though related to both. Writing in the Encyclopaedia of the Hellenic World about Commercial posts and harbours, Elias Petropoulos tried to clear things out:

“The term emporium denoting a type of settlement or colony first appears in ancient literature rather late, in the 5th century BC. According to some scholars, an emporium should be understood as the locale of the emporos (or merchant), i.e. the traveller carrying commodities. The word emporos etymologically originates from the preposition en and the word poros, meaning sea route. The word appears in Homer’s Odyssey twice. In both cases the epic poet obviously meant a private individual who travelled for professional reasons. Hence we could suppose that the word emporium originated from the word emporos. Unfortunately, this word does not appear on [Mycenaean] Linear B tablets, and this is rather surprising, but it also leads to the obvious conclusion that the word was coined at a later time. Scholarship on the subject argues that the word or term emporium (in the sense of a colony or settlement and not that of a simple commercial transaction or exchange of products) appears first in writing in the work of Herodotus in the mid-5th century BC. By the 4th century BC the word is found written on an inscription (known as ‘the inscription of Pistiros’) which has been unearthed quite recently in a settlement of the modern Bulgarian (ancient Thracian) hinterland, close to Philippopolis…

Emporium < Emporos (< en + poros) = a voyager on a sea route

The Babylonian Marriage Market (1875), by Edwin Long,
inspired by a passage in the Herodotan Histories

“According to information we can extract from Melpomene, Herodotus’ fourth book [of Histories], the Black Sea was home to several emporia, as the ancient historian described them… There are also more scattered references in the other eight books of Herodotus. These emporia were located outside the Black Sea, and situated in the Mediterranean. The case of Naucratis among them really puzzles us: the ancient historian mentions it as both a polis and an emporium. Many studies have dealt with this issue, but nevertheless we still cannot determine the early nature of this settlement with certainty. The term usually understood as the opposite of emporium is colony, which is considered as a complete form of settlement in the model of the ancient Greek polis, featuring a distinct form of political and social organization. A colony was obviously established in the context of a predetermined plan of action, and under the auspices of a god (or gods) through an oracle, with every formality on the part of the metropolis, possessing an agricultural hinterland and its own coinage… However, in some cases, an emporium may be characterized as a proto-polis or proto-settlement, in the sense that it could act as an early stage in the foundation of a colony or polis.”

Frieze of a landscape with river; Minoan Acroteri, Thera (when there were still rivers on Santorini!)

Egypt with Alexandria, Naucratis, Avaris, Sais, Pelusium, Memphis and Thebes mentioned in this Chronicle.

Emporia, according to Wikipedia, were places that the traders of one people had reserved to their business interests within the territory of another people. Except Naucratis, famous emporia in Egypt included Avaris and Sais, where Solon, the Athenian legislator, went “to gather stores of knowledge from its scholars”, in 590 BCE. Similar emporia were founded in the Levant, such as Al-Mina and Posideion in Syria. Sais (or Zau in ancient Egyptian) was located in the western Nile Delta. The city’s patron goddess was Neith. The Greeks, such as Herodotus, Plato and Diodorus Siculus, identified her with Athena and hence postulated a primordial link to Athens. Diodorus recounts that Athena built Sais before the deluge that supposedly destroyed Athens and Atlantis; all Hellenic cities were wiped out in that cataclysm, but the Egyptian cities survived. In Plato’s Timaeus and Critias (around 360 BCE), a priest in Sais entrusted to Solon the story of Atlantis, with its aggression against Greece and Egypt, and its eventual defeat and destruction by a natural catastrophe.^(a)

• ^(a) The story of Atlantis may be connected with either ice melting after the last Ice Age (but Hellas was non-existent then), or the Sea Peoples’ raids and the consequent Bronze Age collapse. This could have been the “cataclysm” that destroyed Greece, while Egypt barely survived… (See the Chronicles 18, 19, 20, especially the last one).

Taureador: Fresco fragment from Avaris, 16th BCE

Avaris (today’s Tell el-Dab’a), the capital of Egypt under the Canaanite Hyksos, was also located in the Nile Delta, in the northeastern region. Its position at the hub of Egypt’s emporia made it a major administrative and commercial centre. Excavations have shown there was a busy harbour catering to over 300 ships in a trading season. Artifacts inside the precinct of the palace, possibly a temple, have produced goods from all over the Aegean. Most impressively, there were even Minoan-like wall paintings similar to those found in Crete at the Palace of Knossos. It is speculated that there was close contact with the rulers of Avaris, whoever they were, and the large building with the frescoes allowed the Cretans to have a ritual life in Egypt. French archaeologist Yves Duhoux also proposed the existence of a Minoan colony on an island in the Nile Delta.

Minoan Ladies in Blue fresco, ca 1525-1450 BCE

Outside of the Aegean, only three sites have an indisputable record of Minoan civilization, one being Avaris in Lower Egypt, the others Kabri and Alalakh in the Levant. Kabri, in Palestine, near the Lebanese border, is notable for its Minoan style wall paintings. In the summer of 2009, more Aegean-style frescoes were found at the site. Apparently, the Canaanite rulers of the city wished to associate it with the Mediterranean culture and avoid Syrian and Mesopotamian styles of art that other cities in Canaan adopted. Alalakh was a late Bronze Age city-state in the area where Seleucid Antioch would rise by the end of the 4th century BCE. It was occupied from before 2000, when the first palace was built, and destroyed probably in the 12th century by the Sea Peoples (as were many other towns of coastal Anatolia and the Levant). Alalakh was never reoccupied and its place was taken by the nearby port of Al-Mina during the Iron Age.

Mantiklos Apollo, from geometric to orientalizing period, bronze, (c 700-675 BCE, Thebes, Hellas)

Al-Mina (“The Port” in Arabic) is the name that archaeologist Leonard Woolley gave to this ancient trading post in the Orontes estuary. According to Woolley, it was an early Hellenic trading colony, founded a little before 800 BCE in direct competition with the Phoenicians to the south. Large amounts of Greek pottery established its early Euboean connections, while the Syrian and Phoenician ware reflected a cultural mix typical of an emporium. The controversy whether it is to be regarded as a native Syrian site, with local architecture and pots, and a Greek presence, or as a Hellenic trading post, has not been resolved. Al-Mina served as an outpost for cultural influences that accompanied commerce with Urartu and Assyria through the shortest caravan route. Pottery recovered from later levels after 700 BCE shows that a Hellenic presence endured through the 4th century BCE, with pottery imported from Miletus and deftly imitated locally, apparently by Greek potters. Al-Mina is a key to understanding the role of early Hellenes in the East at the outset of the Orientalizing period of Greek cultural history. Robin Lane Fox has made a case for the Greek name of the site to have been Potamoi Karon mentioned by Diodorus Siculus; he suggestively linked it to karu (“trading post”) in an Assyrian inscription, which would result to Rivers of Emporia.

One of the two figurines Ram in a Thicket. The excavation at Ur was a joint venture of the British Museum and the Pennsylvania University sharing the booty!

Woolley identified Al-Mina with Posideion mentioned by Herodotus and Strabo, but recent scholarship places the latter at Ras al-Bassit, located 53 kilometres north of Latakia (Hellenistic Laodicea) by the Mediterranean. Excavations there revealed a small settlement of the late Bronze Age, when it may have functioned as an outpost of Ugarit to the south. Unlike Ugarit, Bassit survived the passage of the Sea Peoples and into the Iron Age. It had strong links with Phoenicia and Cyprus, and a Greek presence was attested from the 7th century BCE. Posideion expanded and its acropolis was fortified in the Hellenistic period.

Woolley began work at Al-Mina in 1936, after the excavation in Mesopotamia, at Ur, where he discovered Sumerian royal tombs of great wealth. He made up his mind to work by the Mediterranean coast because he was interested in finding ties between the Aegean and the Mesopotamian civilizations, and also wished to throw light, as he wrote, “upon the development of Cretan civilization and its connections with the great civilizations of Nearer Asia”. Disappointed at Al-Mina, as he did not find a Bronze Age port there, he soon moved his interests to the earlier, more urbane site of Alalakh, where he worked before and after World War II (1937-39 and 1946-49). It seems, however, that his “view” was anything but “impartial”, for he, too, was “spectacled”, wearing “Asiatic myopic glasses”. All those clues on the “connections” he was interested in were there, of course; but, having already in mind an elaborate scenario, and most probably the secret ambition to turn Arthur Evans’ work in Crete upside down, he led himself to erroneous conclusions. If Ur had been his Austerlitz, Alalakh turned out to be his Waterloo! His failure to interpret his findings correctly should be taught in every School of Archaeology, helping every equally short-sighted scholar learn his/her lesson…^(b)

Lawrence (left) and Woolley at Carchemish

• ^(b) “Sir” Charles Leonard Woolley (1880-1960) was knighted in 1935 for his contribution to his discipline, since he was considered as one of the first “modern” archaeologists. Volunteered by Arthur Evans to run the excavation on a Roman site in northern England, Woolley started his career in 1906, later admitting: “I had never studied archaeological methods even from books… and I had not any idea how to make a survey or a ground-plan”. He worked with T. E. Lawrence, the later famous “Lawrence of Arabia”, on the excavation of the Hittite city of Carchemish in 1912-14. His work at Ur, starting in 1922, led to the discovery of the royal tombs and inspired Agatha Christie in writing the novel Murder in Mesopotamia. The writer later married Woolley’s assistant, Max Mallowan. Woolley was one of the first archaeologists to propose that the “great deluge” of the Bible was a local flood, after identifying a flood-stratum at Ur of “…400 miles long and 100 miles wide; but for the occupants of the valley, that was the whole world”…

With a secret ambition to turn Arthur Evans’ work in Crete upside
down, Leonard Woolley led himself to wrong conclusions. If Ur
had been his Austerlitz, Alalakh turned out to be his Waterloo!

The Knossos palace reconstructed

REFERRING TO MINOAN ARTISANS TRAVELLING OVERSEAS: The Alalakh Frescoes and the Painted Plaster Floor at Tel Kabri (Western Galilee), the German archaeologist Wolf-Dietrich Niemeier, who excavated at Kabri, explained how Woolley’s ambition to upturn Evans boomeranged back on him:

“The uniqueness and seeming suddenness of the emergence of the Cretan palace system in the Aegean has often been explained by connections with and influences from the older advanced civilizations of the ancient Near East. In Alalakh… Woolley thought to have found what he had looked for: in Yarim-Lim’s palace he recognized ‘unmistakable connections’ with Minoan Crete. Similar building techniques… as well as frescoes ‘identical in colouring, technique and style’ at Alalakh and Knossos led him to the conclusion that ‘there can be no doubt but that Crete owes the best of its architecture, and its frescoes, to the Asiatic mainland’, and that ‘we are bound to believe that trained experts, members of the Architects’ and Painters’ Guilds, were invited to travel overseas from Asia (possibly from Alalakh) to build and decorate the palaces of the Cretan rulers’.

“Crete owes the best of its architecture, and its frescoes, to Asia.”
(Leonard Woolley)

Yamhad, with Halab (Aleppo) as capital, and several toponyms mentioned in this Chronicle:
Carchemish, Alalakh, Ugarit, Qatna, Hazor in Canaan, Mari, Babylon, Ur.

“Woolley’s main argument for this theory, which has been accepted by eminent scholars,^(c) [!] was that ‘Yarim-Lim’s palace antedates by more than a century the Cretan examples in the same style’… However, after a long debate on ‘Alalakh and Chronology’, Woolley’s date (‘between c. 1780 and 1730 BC’) proved to be too high. Yarim-Lim of Alalakh was not – as Woolley had thought – Yarim-Lim I of Yamhad, the contemporary of the great Hammurabi of Babylon, but a younger brother of King Abban [Abba-El?] of Yamhad who gave Alalakh to him as an appanage principality…^(d) The dates recently proposed by different scholars lie between c. 1650 and 1575 BC. In regard to architecture… the evidence is far from substantiating Woolley’s theory of Near Eastern architects working in Crete… The orthostates of Alalakh are c. 300 years later than the orthostates of the first phase of the Old Palace at Phaistos… Fragments of wall paintings from Yarim-Lim’s palace show characteristic Minoan motifs which appear contemporary or even earlier in Crete. Moreover, the sense of movement detectable in the wall-painting fragments from Yarim-Lim’s palace is characteristically Minoan and in opposition to Near Eastern tradition.

• ^(c) That’s why the… spectacled parrotlet (forpus conspicillatus) is not an endangered species!

• ^(d) There were three kings of Yamhad under the name of Yarim-Lim and, of course, far more local rulers with the same name, such as the one in Alalakh. Woolley (more than anyone else) should have known better before he wrote that “Crete owes the best of its architecture, and its frescoes, to the Asiatic mainland”…

Papyrus fresco on Thera

“Woolley’s strongest argument for a direct connection between the Alalakh paintings and those in Crete was that they both were executed in true fresco painting on wet lime plaster. But it is exactly this fact which definitely disproves Woolley’s theory of the Near Eastern ancestry of Cretan fresco painting. Until most recently the Alalakh frescos formed the only known example of true fresco painting on the ancient Near East. In Crete, true fresco painting is known at least from c. 1900 BC on. Thus true fresco painting apparently has been first invented on Crete, probably because it was suitable to the temperament of the Minoan artists.^(e) Technique, style and iconography of the fresco fragments from the Yarim-Lim palace at Alalakh indicate that their resemblances to the Cretan wall-paintings worked in the reverse direction as that originally thought by Woolley.

• ^(e) While the Egyptian artists of this period painted their wall paintings in the “dry-fresco” (secco) technique, the Minoans used a “true” or “wet” painting method, allowing the pigments of metal and mineral oxides to bind well to the wall, which required quick execution. The nature of this technique encouraged improvisation, spontaneity, and the element of chance. Since they had to work within the time constrains of the drying plaster, they had to be very skilful, and their fluid brush strokes translated into the graceful outlines that characterize Minoan art. For this reason, this method of painting was most appropriate for the fluid moments of life and nature scenes that the Minoans favoured, which contrasted sharply with the strict stylization and stereotyping typical of frescoes from other Mediterranean cultures of the same time. The figures of Minoan frescoes are depicted in natural poses of free movement that reflect the rigours of the activity they engage in, an attitude characteristic of a seafaring civilization accustomed to freedom of movement, liquidity, and vigour.

Ritual sprinkler in rock crystal
from Kato Zakros, Crete

“There is much evidence that Cretan objects of art were highly valued in the ancient Near East. In the Mari tablets Cretan imports are mentioned… The prestige character of the Cretan objects in the Mari texts is indicated by the fact that two of them were presented by King Zimri-Lim of Mari to other Mesopotamian Kings. As finds of Kamares pottery at Ugarit, Qatna, Byblos and Hazor demonstrate, this outstanding pottery was highly esteemed in the Levant. Thus, at least from the 19th century BC on, Crete within its relations to the Levant was not only the receiver but developed into an equal partner producing works of art for which there was a great demand in the Near East.^(f) These Cretan works of art arrived by some kind of exchange or trade in the Levant. But, as Woolley has stated, ’one cannot export a palace on board of a ship, nor is the «art and Mystery» of fresco-working a form of merchandise’.^(g) Do we therefore have to reconstruct just the reverse scenario as that suggested by Woolley, i.e. Cretan artisans travelling to Alalakh for painting the frescoes there?

• ^(f) I ignore the Levantine contribution to the Minoan culture and, unfortunately, Niemeier gives no information on the subject. What I do know is how much the Cretans were indebted to, and how much they were benefited by learning from, the Egyptians (see Chronicle 17). I can imagine, in addition, how much the Egyptians would have benefited if they were not so stuck-up to let themselves learn from the Cretans…

• ^(g) I used a similar argument in Chronicle 22 to show the necessity of Hellenic presence in Iberia: “What the Phoenician ships could not transport and, thus, made the Greek presence absolutely necessary in Iberia, was Hellenic culture, art, ideas, models, architecture, burial habits, etc.”

“The sense of movement is characteristically Minoan, in opposition to Near Eastern tradition. Kabri and Alalakh show a purely Minoan iconography and technique. This can only mean they were executed by travelling Minoan artists.” (Wolf-Dietrich Niemeier)

Knossos: the Throne Room with the griffins reconstructed

“In ‘Greater Canaan’…^(h) there are two other sites which can contribute to the problem: Qatna and Tel Kabri. Fragments of wall-paintings from the palace at Qatna show [techniques] in the characteristic Aegean manner. Tel Kabri lay on one of the most important trade routes of the ancient Near East, [Way of the Philistines,] the later so-called Via Maris…⁽ⁱ⁾ In the palace of the local ruler… a threshold was plastered and painted with… similar floor-techniques and designs of the Minoan palaces but not from the Ancient Near East… There is evidence that the walls of this room were also covered with painted plaster of which unfortunately only tiny fragments have been preserved. The plaster floor has been painted in true fresco technique… found also in Cretan and Theran fresco painting but not in tempera and fresco secco. The colours in the floor’s painting are… very similar to those of Cretan and of Theran wall-painting… Originally the floor… imitated the slabs of a stone pavement… In Crete painted plaster floors imitating slab-paved floors are known from [c. 2000 BCE]. Other parts of the Kabri floor were decorated with floral motifs. Among them are chains of stylized linear iris blossoms of a characteristic Minoan type which occurs first in frescoes and vase-painting [in 1700-1500 BCE]. Such kind of decorative mixture is a characteristic feature of Minoan fresco painting… The Kabri floor and also the fresco fragments from Yarim-Lim’s palace at Alalakh do not have only single Minoan motifs foreign to ‘Greater Canaan’ which could be explained as intrusive or incorporated elements arriving by motif transfer, but they show a purely Minoan iconography as well as technique. This can only mean that they were executed by travelling Minoan artisans…

Asherah, Canaanite fertility goddess

• ^(h) Greater Canaan: “the area between the Amuq plain [where Antioch was later built] to the north and the deserts to the south and to the east for the middle and late Bronze Age… appears to form a largely uniform civilization with regional variations.” (Ruth Amiran)

• ⁽ⁱ⁾ The historical name of the road, sadly for the Israeli Jews, was Way of the Philistines, since it crossed through the Philistine plain, where the Gaza Strip is located. Via Maris was “fished up” out of the Vulgate – “via maris”, meaning “by the way of the sea” – without specifying any road (there was no such Roman name denoting any road anywhere). The modern name was adopted so as to… expel the Palestinians from their homeland, Palestine, even on archaeological terms!

La Petite Parisienne de Crète…

“We have evidence for exchange of information on the equipment of the palaces within the ancient Near East (to which Minoan Crete belonged in a certain sense as a westernmost member). That Cretans actually travelled to the Levantine coast is proved by a tablet from the Mari archives mentioning a Cretan who purchases tin at Ugarit from agents of the Mari palace. A tale in the mythological poetry of Ugarit is of highest interest in our context. In it the goddess Anat is sending the divine messenger over the sea to the god of handicrafts, Kothar wa-Khasis, who is brought from his throne in Kptr (almost unanimously identified as Caphtor = Crete) to build a splendid palace for god Baal and to furnish it with precious works of art.^(j) As Arvid Schou Kapelrud has stated, Kothar is ‘the master-builder and the master-smith as he is found in the Near Eastern courts of this time, a highly skilled specialist’. In Canaanite mythology the god of handicrafts was called from Crete to furnish the palaces of the deities with precious works of art; in reality the rulers of Tel Kabri (Rehov) and Alalakh (and other cities, possibly Qatna) asked the rulers of Crete for sending artisans to decorate their palaces with fresco painting. As has been demonstrated by Carlo Zaccagnini, the sending of specialized workers is well-attested in the framework of the diplomatic relations between the rulers in the ancient Near East, their transfers are inserted into the dynamics and formal apparatus of the practice of gift-exchange.”

• ^(j) “KPTR” may be identified with “Caphtor”; but the latter’s identification with Crete is anything but certain. Biblical Caphtor may refer to: a) Pelusium in the Nile Delta; b) Cilicia; c) Cappadocia; d) Cyprus; e) Crete (see Chronicle 20). Egypt fits far better here because in all references to Kothar, except the poetic tale mentioned above, his abode is identified as “HKPT”, which is possibly read as “Hikaptah”, or “House of the ka (soul) of (god) Ptah”, i.e. Memphis. The Hellenes pronounced this Hikaptah as Aegyptos, hence the name of the country in many languages.

Minoan fresco frieze at Avaris reconstructed

AFTER THE DISCOVERIES in Alalakh and Kabri, the absolutely impressive Minoan frescoes in Avaris, which were recovered during Manfred Bietak’s excavations there,

“instantly created much sensation, since among the scenes depicted on them are spectacular representations of bull leaping so closely identified with Minoan cult and culture”, as Wolf-Dietrich and Barbara Niemeier commented in another paper on Minoan Frescoes in the Eastern Mediterranean.

A Minoan heterotopia at Avaris. Taureador (detail)

“From 1990 on, we suggested that the Kabri and Alalakh frescoes were painted by travelling Aegean specialists, and [some time later] Bietak and Nanno Marinatos did the same for the Avaris frescoes”. There is a minor problem among archaeologists on the date of the frescoes. Wishing perhaps to please everyone, “Bietak and Marinatos came to the conclusion that ‘Minoan wall painting existed in Avaris both during the late Hyksos period and the early 18th Dynasty’. Bietak had regarded as possible that ‘trade… links between Avaris and Crete… might have survived a dynastic change and might have carried on into the 18th Dynasty, even after the fall of the Hyksos.’ There is indeed enough evidence from history that the kind of diplomatic and economic relations which apparently are behind these fresco paintings can survive the changes of regimes.

“According to Bietak, ‘king Ahmose, the founder of the 18th Dynasty, fits particularly well into the picture of Minoan connections.’ He imagines the possibility of a political deal between Ahmose and the ‘Minoan Thalassocracy’ in which the Minoan fleet helped Ahmose – who had no fleet – against the danger still threatening from the Hyksos harbour bases in southern Palestine. There is no archaeological or textual evidence for the latter hypothesis, and it recalls rather imaginative and today forgotten scenarios connected with the expulsion of the Hyksos, like those according to which Mycenaean mercenaries helped Ahmose in evicting the Hyksos, or according to which fugitive Hyksos princes conquered the Argolid and subsequently were buried in the Shaft Graves at Mycenae. Moreover, Ahmose already had a fleet: he captured Avaris after a series of assaults by both land and water [and then he] proceeded to southern Palestine.”

Ahmose fighting back the Hyksos

Even a pharaoh with a fleet of his own would surely prefer to have the far more experienced Cretan navy on his side, than against him, allied with the Hyksos! The Avaris paintings indicate an involvement of Egypt in international relations and cultural exchanges with the eastern Mediterranean either through exchange of gifts or even marriage. They additionally point to Minoan authority as being involved in Egyptian affairs, possibly because Crete had a strong naval force to offer the pharaoh, and also to Avaris as a place where these cultural exchanges took place, meaning the city was incredibly important to Egypt.

Girl from Acroteri, Thera: detail from
the fresco of the lilies

The marriage of a Minoan princess to an Egyptian pharaoh may be one possible scenario. Bietak has suggested that the Avaris frescoes were painted by Minoan artists who were members of the entourage of a Knossian princess married to a pharaoh, whom he first identified as a Hyksos ruler, then as Ahmose, and later as Thutmose III. At last, who was the Cretan girl’s groom? The Minoan eruption on Thera (c. 1640 – c. 1540) coincides with the Hyksos period in Egypt (1650–1550 BCE). But because the exact moment of the eruption escapes us, we can not speculate if the marriage took pace then and when. There follows Ahmose with his New Kingdom, when the Egyptians considered the Aegean to be part of their “empire”. The term must not be understood literally, because in Egypt, they misinterpreted even the gifts given to the pharaohs: “The Egyptians, with their characteristic egocentric sense of superiority, would have presented such gifts as tribute”, remarks A. R. Schulman. At any rate, “Ahmose fits particularly well into the picture of Minoan connections”. Thutmose could very well be the groom, too. Besides, we know that he had three foreign wives: Menwi, Merti, and Menhet. However, a problem arose: another dynastic change that happened during his reign, in the middle of the 15th century BCE – not in Egypt but in Crete, when the Minoans were put under the yoke of their own “Hyksos” (foreign rulers), the Mycenaeans. Therefore, if there was a wedding, it should have happened in the beginning of Thutmose’s reign, when the actual pharaoh was his stepmother, Hatshepsut, or immediately after her death, in 1458 BCE.

Theran rosettes

Whatever the case, these unique wall paintings are of Minoan style, technique, and content. There is a long frieze of bull-leaping and grappling against a maze pattern. Marinatos has made a case that the rosette motif, a prominent feature of the “Taureador” paintings, reproduces the Knossian rosettes, and that it is a distinct Minoan symbol. The frescoes also depict griffins, hunting scenes, felines chasing ungulates, several life-sized figures, and a white female wearing a skirt. Especially important are the Minoan palace emblems, such as the half rosette frieze, and the presence of big griffins that are the same size as the ones in the Knossian Throne room. The technique of painting is typically Aegean, while the style is of very high quality and compares with some of the best paintings from Crete. The use of Minoan royal motifs in a palace of Avaris, says Bietak, indicates that “an encounter on the highest level must have taken place between the courts of Knossos and Egypt,” while the large representation of the female in the skirt may suggest a political marriage of a Minoan princess to the pharaoh.

Minoan female acrobat (ivory,
2800-1100 BCE)

“Dynastic intermarriage was a favoured diplomatic tactic in the Bronze Age Near East,” the Niemeiers point out. The entourage of a foreign princess, some scholars suppose, “would comprise several hundred people, who until the end of their lives remained in the harem of the pharaoh, and that one can well imagine that at Avaris the rooms of the foreign princess and her entourage were decorated according to her desires. [However], at Alalakh and Tel Kabri, the frescoes probably had been attached to the walls of major ceremonial (and possible ritual) halls of the palace, not of the private rooms of queens or princesses.”

The technique of using lime plaster in two layers with a highly polished surface, fresco in combination with stucco, are all techniques that are not Egyptian but first seen in Cretan paintings. The colours used by the artists are clearly Minoan. Using blue instead of grey is Minoan, with that colour convention being seen in Egypt later, due to Aegean influence. Besides, there are no Egyptian hieroglyphs or emblems among any of the fragments discovered. The composition of the paintings and motifs also fit in perfectly with those of the Aegean world. Thus the overwhelming evidence seems to point into the direction of Minoan artists having been at work in Avaris.

Wild duck on Thera

“The differences between the styles of Egyptian and Minoan arts have been analyzed by Henriette Antonia Groenewegen-Frankfort and, most recently, by Bietak,” the Niemeiers comment. “According to Groenwegen-Frankfort, Minoan art differs from Egyptian (and ancient Near Eastern) art in its ‘absolute mobility in organic forms’. Bietak aptly explains this with the different cultural patterns of both civilizations. The Minoan society was not – as the Egyptian one – dominated by writing, listing, and absolute order, and therefore Minoan art was not subjected to hieroglyphic clichés and a rigid canonical order. As to a comparison of Canaanite and Minoan arts, we do not have, unfortunately, many objects of art from the middle Bronze Age Levant. But those which are extant show a style distinctly different from the Minoan one. For instance, the bird representations on bone inlays from Megiddo and Lachish seem motionless in comparison to the crane on an ivory plaque from Palaikastro. Canaanite female and male metal figurines appear stiff in comparison to the Minoan female and male metal figurines displaying strong inner tension and dynamics.”

“Minoan art differs from Egyptian art in its ‘absolute mobility in organic forms’.” “The Minoan society was not dominated by absolute order; so
Minoan art was not subjected to hieroglyphic clichés and rigid order.”
(Henriette Antonia Groenewegen-Frankfort and Manfred Bietak)

Another map of the area, with arrows pinpointing the places mentioned in this Chronicle): Alalah, Carchemish, Ugarit, Qatna, Byblos, Megiddo, Mari, Babylon, Ur.

As it turned out the wall paintings in Avaris, Alalakh, Kabri, possibly Qatna (17th – 16th centuries BCE), were not the older ones.

“Earlier are the painted stone imitations in Zimri-Lim’s palace at Mari [18th century BCE]. The excavator of Mari, André Parrot, compared the stone imitations to those at Knossos. He also asked for possible connections between the Mari and the Knossos murals, and, pointing to the evidence for their connections provided by the Minoan precious objects mentioned in the Mari archives, he apparently tended to see some Cretan influence in the murals there.”

● Located in Mesopotamia, far from the Mediterranean, Mari (today’s Tell Hariri) was a Sumerian and Amorite city on the Euphrates. It flourished from 2900 to 1759 BCE, when it was sacked by Hammurabi, despite the gifts king Zimri-Lim had given him. More important was Mari’s strategic position as a relay point between northern Syria and lower Mesopotamia. The city came to control the trade lanes between different regions such as Iran, Mesopotamia, and Anatolia. The royal palace contained over 300 rooms and was possibly the largest of its time (over 1,000 rooms, they say, had the palace of Knossos)! More than 25,000 tablets were recovered while excavating Mari, as Parrot noted, “bringing about a complete revision of the historical dating of the ancient Near East, and providing more than 500 new place names, enough to redraw the geographical map of the ancient world.”

● Qatna (modern Tell el-Mishrife), 18 km NE of Homs, was one of the largest Bronze Age Syrian towns. Trade routes in the 2nd Millennium connected Mesopotamia with Cyprus, Crete, Egypt. Qatna is mentioned in the tin trade, which went from Mari via Qatna to the Mediterranean; Cypriote copper was transported in the other direction; their alloy, bronze, was most valuable during both the Bronze and Iron Ages.

Theran boy-boxers

Regarding the ethnic composition of the “Minoan” workshops, there are various possibilities: the frescoes were painted a) by travelling Aegean artisans; b) under the supervision of Aegean artists, assisted by Levantine painters, after they were trained by them; c) by Levantine students of Aegean masters. The idea of mixed workshops seems more appealing, probable, realistic. Decorating huge palaces was a great undertaking. However, it would seem unthinkable to imagine Cretan ships full of artists travelling around the Mediterranean for this task. The artistic teams should have been rather small, working necessarily with local apprentices.

“It is difficult to decide in each case which of these solutions is the correct one,” point out the Niemeiers. “We would agree with Philip P. Betancourt that only a very small percentage of the fresco paintings is known and that ‘we are touching the tip of the iceberg of a whole series of interrelated workshops, working in Knossos, the Aegean islands, on the coast of Western Asia and in Egypt, perhaps travelling back and forth, perhaps occasionally exchanging personnel, or going back to Knossos to learn the most recent things’… The Alalakh, Kabri, and Avaris frescoes are to be seen ‘in terms of the forging of an élite koiné – artistic, iconographical, ideological, technological – in the circumstances of the intense maritime interaction between the coastal areas of the Eastern Mediterranean’,” as Susan Sherratt proposed. Marinatos has argued that these paintings are evidence of a koiné, a visual language of common symbols, which testifies to interactions among the rulers of neighbouring powers. This idea is adopted by the Niemeiers, as well: “The Minoan artists involved in the painting of all these frescoes apparently formed an important element in the growth of the so-called ‘International Style’ of the Late Bronze Age eastern Mediterranean.”^(k)

• ^(k) Not only of the eastern part of the Mediterranean: according to some fresco experts, similar wall paintings have also been found in “faraway” Morocco. However, it is not clear if they are true fresco or secco.

“Interrelated workshops worked in Knossos, the Aegean islands, the Western Asia coast and Egypt, travelling back and forth, exchanging personnel, or going back to Knossos to learn the most recent things.” “An élite koiné – artistic, iconographical, ideological, technological – was forged in the circumstances of intense maritime interaction between the coastal areas of the Eastern Mediterranean.” (Philip P. Betancourt and Susan Sherratt)

Cretans in Egypt, bringing gifts of metal, jewelry etc, facsimile of a painting in Thebes, Egypt, 18th dynasty
(early 15th century BCE)

Whatever happened to the Avaris wall paintings? One group of them had fallen off the wall of a doorway, and another group of fragments was found in dumps deposited by the north-east palace. The frescoes seem to have been removed during the later Thutmosid period – when there was no Minoan Crete anymore, after it was taken over by the Mycenaeans.

“Minoan fresco painting apparently was a rather short-lived phenomenon in the Levant and Egypt – in Egyptian terms, covering the Hyksos period and the very beginning of the early 18th Dynasty,” the Niemeiers sum up. “Later, we find again paintings of nature scenes which appear to breathe a Minoan spirit. They were, however, executed in secco technique and certainly were not painted by Aegean artists. Minoan wall painting was a thing of the past at that time.”

Without Minoan Crete there was no room for Minoan art. Minoan workshops were still busy, of course; but the artistic masters worked for the new political masters, the Mycenaeans; there were no Greek artists at that time to compete with them. But their new works of art are not typified as “Minoan” anymore; they are called “Mycenaean”, sometimes with a footnote that they were made by Cretan artistic workshops. Would anyone ever think to describe as “Cretan” the masterpieces of another great Cretan master, who lived more than three millennia later, namely Doménicos Theotocópoulos, the famous El Greco?

Mycenaean women procession fresco

HERE WE ARE AGAIN AT OUR STARTING POINT, my dearest fellow voyagers, having come full circle back: we began with Periplus and Minoan Cretan Thalassocracy, and we concluded with Emporia and Minoan Cretan fresco.^(l) Now we can start anew, picking up the thread again, going back even before our starting point – before man learned how to work metals, when he voyaged in search of an equally valuable material: the obsidian. So, let’s attempt to go back to the Neolithic era. Let’s schedule it, at least: our vivid imagination is our strong point!

• ^(l) See also Chronicles 3, 5, and 17, 18, 19, about Crete, Cretans, Minoan civilization, navigation and trade, thalassocracy, fresco, taurocathapsia, etc.

• >> 28. THE MAKING OF THE MEDITERRANEAN PERIPLUS
• << Chronicle 26. IBERIAN CROSS(CHECK)

Grandstand Minoan procession fresco

Chronicle 21. IBERIAN “EL DORADO”

Chronicle 21. IBERIAN “EL DORADO”

/ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΑ/ Χρονικό 21. ΙΒΗΡΙΚΟ “EL DORADO”

● Minoans, Mycenaeans, Phoenicians in Iberia ● Fortunate Isles, Hesperides ● Sardinia ● Odysseus, Calypso, Ophiussa ● Tartessos

Michales Loukovikas

“ONE FREQUENTLY MEETS CLAIMS that there was contact between the far western coasts of present Spain and Portugal, and Crete of Minoan times”, comments Dan Stanislawski in his Study in Historical-Political Geography: The Individuality of Portugal, and specifically in Chapter 7 about Contacts Βetween the Ancient Civilizations of the Eastern Mediterranean and Iberia.

A model of Los Millares with its walls

“It is not only a seductive idea but it makes a reasonable hypothesis, for the Minoans were good navigators, traders, and seekers of metals. Had they known anything of the Iberian Peninsula they might well have been attracted; however, while it is quite possible that the Mediterranean island route to the west was used by them (Rhys Carpenter, The Greeks in Spain), as yet there is no convincing evidence that it was. The excavations of Almerían culture at Los Millares, which may be dated as of 2000–1800 BC, presented certain items reminiscent of Aegean cultures, but there is no evidence that would clearly demonstrate connection. Such items may represent nothing more than casual parallelism. Other finds of a somewhat later period in Spain make better evidence of contact with the eastern Mediterranean lands, for they can be neatly equated with materials of the Egyptian Tell-el-Amarna of 1400–1200 BC. The Egyptian trade items of this period of time are well known to Spanish archaeology and almost surely may be associated with Phoenician intermediaries. As of the present date, such items may be taken as the earliest evidence of direct contact between Iberia and the eastern Mediterranean navigators.”

Greeks in Iberia: Athena, Atlas, and Heracles with the golden apples of the Hesperides; marble relief, 5th century BCE

Voilà! Here is a “neat” example of the established historians’ “classic” mentality: reserved if they write or talk about Minoans, even Hellenes, but garrulous when they lecture about Phoenicians. Indeed, why was it so difficult for the peoples of the Aegean to reach Iberia? They were certainly not inferior to the Phoenicians in seamanship and, furthermore, the Aegean was far closer to Iberia compared to Phoenicia. Besides, who controlled then (“1400–1200 BC”) the Mediterranean trade? The Phoenicians, or the Mycenaeans – whom Stanislawski “fails to bring in mind”?(!) Why should the Egyptian trade items of this period found in Spain “almost surely may be associated with Phoenician intermediaries”? The crucial question, however, this mentality does not answer is: Where did the Bronze Age Mediterranean obtain tin to produce bronze? Who were established then as sea traders to transport this profitable metal to the Mediterranean? Most obviously, the Mycenaeans. That is why the evidence about the Aegean peoples’ presence in Iberia is anything but “convincing”… Regarding the “opposite point of view”, there are detailed descriptions of Minoans extracting metals from the area of the Lake Superior and carrying them through the Mississippi River to the Gulf of Mexico destined for the Mediterranean! Although we cannot exclude this, we do not intend to take you that far. It is better to remain on Iberian soil…

Where did the Bronze Age Mediterranean find tin to produce bronze?
Who were established then as sea traders to transport this precious
(and rare) metal to the Mediterranean?

Los Millares, by Marianne Weil, cast bronze (2008)

Some “non-established” historians link the distinctive culture of Los Millares in Almería with The Early Minoan Colonization of Spain (W. Sheppard Baird). Far more interesting is the following El Argar culture, which flourished in Almería, as well, in today’s eastern Andalusia, between 1800 and 1300 BCE. This Argaric culture was characterized by the early adoption of bronze, which allowed local dominance over “copper age” (chalcolithic) neighbours. That people’s mining and metallurgy were quite advanced, with bronze, silver and gold being mined and worked for weapons or jewelry. They developed sophisticated techniques, and traded with other tribes.

Argaric gold sword

The ancient collective burial tradition, typical of European Megalithic Culture, was abandoned in favour of individual burials; the tholos or “beehive” tombs in favour of small cists. This innovative trend seems to have come from the eastern Mediterranean, most likely the Mycenaeans – skipping Sicily and Italy, where the collective burial tradition remained for some time yet. In the next phase of this culture, beginning c. 1500 BCE, burial in pithoi (large jars) became most frequent. Again this custom – that never reached beyond the Argarians’ circle – must have come from Hellas, where it was used after c. 2000 BCE. During the Mycenaean era, cultural exchanges are very clear in the Mediterranean, with the Argarians adopting Grecian funerary customs, while the Hellenes also imported the Iberian tholos for the same purpose.

Note that whoever arrived at Iberia could easily find the way to the tin ores of Brittany and Cornwall, through the Western Iberian Bronze cultures that had some degree of interaction, not just among them, but also with other Atlantic cultures in Britain, France, etc. It is the so-called Atlantic Bronze Age complex of c. 1300–700 BCE that consisted of different civilizations in Andalusia, Portugal, Galicia, Armorica (the part of Gaul that included Brittany), and the British Isles. The Atlantic Bronze Age was marked by economic and cultural exchange, which led to a high degree of cultural affinity manifested in the coastal communities from Galicia to Scotland, while commercial contacts extended from Scandinavia to the Mediterranean.

Heracles fighting Geryon, ca 540 BCE

Next notable culture was that of Tartessos, a harbour city and the surrounding region in southern Iberia (in Andalusia). It was the first organized polity of the peninsula, developed culturally and politically by the end of the 2nd millennium BCE. The area is mentioned in the Greek mythology of this era as a reminder of the Mycenaean campaigns and presence in Iberia. Heracles went to perform two labours there: to kill Geryon and obtain his cattle; and to steal the golden apples of the Hesperides. Geryon dwelt in the “Far West” of antiquity, on an island of the Hesperides, Erytheia (Erytheis); that was the name of one of the Hesperides, and also the fearsome giant’s daughter. The Occident, and more precisely Iberia, was called Hesperia. “Geryon was killed by the great strength of Heracles at sea-circled Erytheis”, sang Hesiod in his Theogony. Heracles set up two massive stone spires to stabilize all this area and ensure the safety of ships sailing through the Gibraltar Strait, called the Pillars of Heracles. He also founded colonies; among others, Gádeira, on Geryon’s island, where the Phoenicians would later establish their headquarters: Gadir (now Cádiz). A tumulus nearby Gádeira was associated with Geryon’s final resting-place; and there are legends about Heracles as being buried in Spain, as well.

Geryon is also mentioned among the mythical kings of Tartessos. His grandson, Norax (Norace), conquered the south of Sardinia, founding the city of Nora, and becoming a hero of the Nuragic mythology. He dictated the first laws, divided the society into “seven classes” and forced the aristocrats to work. Later Gárgoris introduced commerce, beekeeping, and new agricultural tools such as the plow. The agricultural innovations are also credited to his (grand)son, Habis (Habido, Abido, Abidas, Abidis, Gabis, or Gabid, as he is mentioned in various variations of the legend), who succeeded him on the throne. Later generations of Hellenes linked the area to Tartessos. They also thought the Garden of the Hesperides and the Fortunate Isles, i.e. Isles of the Blessed or Elysium, could be found somewhere outside the Pillars of Heracles.

Heracles with nymphs, a satyr, and Pan in the Garden of the Hesperides, by Hesperides Painter, hydria (water jar),
ca early 4th century BCE

● Heracles was great-grandson of Perseus, the legendary founder of Mycenae, who killed the Gorgon Medusa. To achieve that, he had to find the Hesperides who would give him the necessary weapons. Finally, cutting off her head, from her neck sprang Pegasus and Chrysaor (gold + sword), the result of her meeting with Poseidon. Later Chrysaor became king of Iberia. Geryon, his son and heir, dwelt on the Hesperides island of Erytheia, the “red island” of the Vesper, so called because it lay under the sunrays in the sunset. It was identified with Gadir, but there were alternatives, as well, such as one of the Balearics. According to Herodotus, Heracles, on his way to this area, crossed the desert of “Libya” (Maghreb) and became so frustrated at the heat that he shot an arrow at Helios, or Sun. The god, “in admiration of his courage”, gave Heracles the golden cup (boat) he used to sail across the sea from West to East each night. Heracles used it to reach Erytheia – a favourite motif of the vase-painters. Diodorus, on the contrary, claimed that Heracles raised a large fleet in Crete to sail against Chrysaor, the wealthy king of Iberia, and his three sons. Stesichorus, in the 6th century BCE, composed a Song of Geryon (Γηρυονηΐς), where he made the first reference to Tartessos, with the Hesperides nearby. Later Strabo reported the same location in his Geographica.

Medusa Bronze Plaque

Heracles’ way back home with the cattle was eventful. He crossed the Pyrenees that he himself had created when his beloved Pyrene bore a serpent and was so terrified that she fled to the woods where she died. Heracles created a tomb for her by piling up rocks, thus forming the mountain range. Arriving at Gaul, in the Monaco area, he turned away the previous gods. As a result, the temple of Heracles Mónoecos (single + house) was constructed on a promontory – called thus as it was the sole temple in what is now the Côte d’Azur. The Phocaeans built the colony Mónoecos there in the 6th century BCE. The only deep-water port in Monaco is dedicated to the great hero: Port Hercule. Heracles also founded the cities Alesia and Nemausus and became the father of the Celts. Reaching Liguria, two giants, Al(e)bion and Dercynus, Poseidon’s sons, attempted to carry off his oxen, but the hero killed them. In this fight, he was assisted by Zeus with a shower of stones. The Italian route was rather uneventful as far as the tip of the peninsula, near Rhegium, where an ox jumped into the sea and swam to Sicily. Eryx, another son of Poseidon, king of the homonymous city and also excellent boxer, appropriated it. Heracles fought with him and killed him in order to take the animal back. The only problem afterwards was when Hera made the cattle mad in Thrace. Heracles was obliged to go as far as the Hellespont to recover the oxen, and take them to king Eurystheus, who sacrificed them to Zeus’ sister-wife.

Oceanus, Roman mosaic at Ossonoba, modern Faro

● The Hesperides (Ἑσπερίδες) in Hellenic mythology were nymphs, aficionadas of singing, who tended a blissful garden in a far western corner of the world, near the Atlas Mountains in northwestern Africa, at the edge of the Oceanus encircling the Oecumene. They were three daughters of Hesperus, the Evening Star of the planet Venus or Vesper (just like other Greek triads, such as the Graces and Moerae, Fates): Aegle (“dazzling light”), Arethusa (“waterer”), Erytheia (“red one”). The Garden of the Hesperides was Hera’s orchard in the Occident, where either a single tree or a grove of immortality-giving “golden apples” grew. In later years, it was thought that they might have actually been oranges, a fruit unknown to Europe and the Mediterranean before the Middle Ages. Under this assumption, the Hellenic botanical name for all citrus species is ἑσπεριδοειδῆ (“hesperidoids”) – implying that they have come from the Occident, while in reality their origin is in the Orient (Southeast Asia).^(a)

A traditional Rabelo boat in the Douro used for centuries
to transport people and goods, mainly wine

• ^(a) In some languages, the orange is named after Portugal, the former main source of imports: Greek portokali (πορτοκάλι), Bulgarian and Slav-Macedonian portokal, Romanian portocală, Georgian phortokhali, South Italian dialectic portogallo or purtualle. Related names are found in non-European languages, as well: Turkish portakal, Arabic al-burtuqal, Persian porteghal, and Amharic (the Ethiopian language) birtukan.

Portugal’s name derives from the Roman Portus Cale that evolved into Portugale during the 7th and 8th centuries. Cale was an early settlement located at the mouth of the Douro River, in the north of what is now Portugal. The etymology of the name Cale is mysterious, as is the identity of the town’s founders. Some historians have argued that Hellenes were the first to settle Cale and the name derives from the Hellenic word callos (κάλλος, beauty), referring to the beauty of the Douro valley. However, the mainstream explanation is that it is an ethnonym derived from the Callaeci, or Gallaeci, who lived there. The same applies to the names Galicia and Gaia, the twin city of Porto, at the Douro mouth.

Macaronesia: the Azores, Madeira,
the Canaries and Cape Verde

● In the Fortunate Isles, or Isles of the Blessed, heroes and other favoured mortals in the Greek and Celtic mythologies were received into a winterless blissful paradise. These islands were thought to lie in the “Western Ocean”, near the “Oceanus River” encircling the earth. Strabo located them opposite “Maurusia” (Mauritania, Western Sahara and Morocco), beyond the end of the world, where neither snow nor heavy rains ever fell, with the beneficially invigorating cool breath of Zephyrus constantly blowing. Plutarch, referring to these isles several times in his writings, located them firmly in the Atlantic a few days’ sail from Iberia:

“The islands are said to be two in number separated by a very narrow strait and lie [2,000 kilometers] from Africa… A firm belief has made its way even to the barbarians that here are the Elysian Fields and the abode of the Blessed of which Homer sang.”

Geography now names these islands as Macaronesia (from the Greek name Makárōn nēsoe (Μακάρων νῆσοι, Isles of the Blessed): the Azores and Madeira (Portugal), the Canaries (Spain) and Cape Verde.

Metallic model of a Nuragic ship

● Close relations between Iberia and Sardinia implied by mythology are confirmed by archaeological, architectural, linguistic, cultural and historical finds. The Sardinians had also contacts with the Mycenaeans, who traded in the western Mediterranean, and the Cretans, e.g. with Cydonia, modern Chaniá, as shown from pottery recovered in excavations in Sardinia. But influences may have been even wider. The stepped pyramid of Monte d’Accoddi, near Sassari, is somehow similar to the monumental complex of Los Millares in Andalusia and some later edifices in the Balearics. Certain scholars see similarities even with Mesopotamian structures and attribute them to migrations, particularly of Sumerians, to the Occident. Ancient Greek historians and geographers described the mysterious megalithic nuraghe as daedaleia, implying there was a connection with Daedalus who, after working in Crete, where he built the Labyrinth, settled in Sicily and then in Sardinia.

During the Chalcolithic period, in the dawn of the Nuragic civilization of the 18th century BCE, copper was used to make weapons and other items. Soon the island, rich in mines, notably copper and lead, saw the construction of numerous furnaces for the production of alloys traded across the Mediterranean, possibly by Minoans, later on by Mycenaeans, and perhaps even Sardinians. The Nuragic culture acquired skilled metal workers who were among the main metal producers in Europe. Passing to the Bronze Age, they used this new alloy to make a wide variety of products, such as weapons, tools, even votive offerings, e.g. bronze vessels that indicate their close relationship with the sea. Sardinia was not on the vital map of tin sources and trade in ancient times (Cornwall-Devon, Brittany, Iberia, Bohemia–Saxony). But because of its other mineral wealth, it served as a centre for metals trade at that time and likely actively imported tin from Iberia for export to the rest of the Mediterranean. Traders from the Aegean, therefore, and other areas where tin was scarce, went there very often. This fact explains cultural influences on the Nuragic civilization from Mycenae, Crete and Cyprus, as well as the presence of late Bronze Age Mycenaean, Cretan and Cypriot ceramics, and locally made replicas, in half a dozen findspots that seem to have functioned as “gateway” communities.

Sardinian and Corsican tribes

The late Bronze Age (15th–13th centuries BCE; see also previous Chronicles) saw vast population migrations, e.g. those of the Sea Peoples, who destroyed the Mycenaean and Hittite worlds and also attacked Egypt. Some scholars connect the Sherden, one of the Sea People tribes, with the Nuragic Sardinians, who might have settled on the island before or after the failed invasion of Egypt. These theories are controversial to most archaeologists and historians. But Simonides of Ceos, in a lost work reported by Zenobius, spoke of Sardinian attacks against Crete during the Sea Peoples’ raids in Egypt. This would at least confirm that Nuragic Sardinians frequented the eastern Mediterranean at the time. Further proof comes from 13th century Nuragic ceramics found at Tiryns and in the Sicilian Agrigento (Acragas) area, along the sea route that linked the Occidental to the Oriental part of mare nostrum.

The second largest island in the Mediterranean after Sicily was called Ichnussa by the Hellenes. It was most probably named Sardinia after a legendary hero of the Nuragic pantheon, Sardus, who colonized the island from Libya. His father was Makeris, who might be connected with the Phoenician Melqart, also identifiable with the Libyan Heracles. So, Sardus is also associated with the Heracleidae that settled there led by Iolaus, a nephew of Heracles, according to Diodorus Siculus. Iolaus may have given rise to the tribe of Iolei, Iolaensi, or Iliensi,^(b) who were repeatedly checked by Punics and Romans, but they were never subdued. He also founded many cities from the Black Sea area to Sicily and Sardinia, requesting the assistance of Daedalus. Some of the latter’s edifices were still standing in Diodorus’ time (1st century BCE). Finally, the Phoenicians appeared in this area for the very first time around 1000 BCE, and began visiting Sardinia with increasing frequency. Later, from the 8th century onwards, they started founding (or appropriating) strongholds and cities primarily on the strategic southwestern coast of the island. Common ports of call, where they dropped anchor, were Caralis, Nora, Bithia, Sulcis, Tharros, and Olbia (mostly Hellenic toponyms).^(c)

• ^(b) Sardinian and Corsican tribes: the Corsi (perhaps from Liguria) moved to Corsica from North Sardinia; the Balearic Balares (from Iberia or South France, perhaps related with the Basques), settled in the north-central of Sardinia; the Iolei (from North Africa, East Mediterranean, or West Sicily) settled in the central-south area. The Gallurese, Logudorese and Campidanese dialects may correspond to these tribes.

Launeddas

• ^(c) Sardinia and neighbouring Corsica constitute a special case in terms of music, too, cultivating one of the oldest forms of vocal polyphony, as ancient as the polyphony of Epirus and Albania. Unesco classed this kind of song, called cantu a tenore, as intangible world heritage in 2005. A similar style, cantu a cuncordu, corresponds to the Corsican paghjella and is liturgic in nature.

The polyphonic tradition extends to the instruments of music. A typical polyphonic woodwind instrument made of three pipes is the launeddas (also called “triple clarinet” or “triplepipe”). The pipes are played with circular breathing and the sound may be continuous. One of the pipes functions as a drone and the other two play the melody in thirds and sixths. Predecessors of the launeddas can be traced back to approximately 2700 BCE in Egypt, where reed pipes, depicted on tomb reliefs and pyramids, were called memet. The launeddas date back to at least the 8th century BCE and are still played in religious ceremonies and dances (su ballu). The musicians use extensive variations on a few melodic phrases, and a single tune can last over an hour, creating some of the “most elemental and resonant sounds in European music”, as Alessio Surian said.

Cynetic writing with a human figure (8th century BCE)

GÁRGORIS IS MENTIONED AS A LEGENDARY KING of one of the peoples of Tartessos, who lived in today’s Algarve and Low Alentejo of southern Portugal. They were called Cynetes, Cynesioi, or Conii, the westernmost dwellers of Europe, according to Herodotus, who distinguished them from the Celts. Gárgoris, as the legend goes, had incestuous relations with his daughter, whose name has not survived. The… “fateful act” happened one day when a bee strung her; Gárgoris, wishing to heal the wound, massaged her with his mouth, and thus they were overwhelmed by passion (it’s unclear exactly where the bite was)! After she had got pregnant, he ordered that she should be locked up and the child be killed. The boy was abandoned on a hill very close to a lair of wild beasts, which instead breast-fed and protected him. When Gárgoris learned that his (grand)son was still alive, he ordered that he should be taken away from the cave and put to death in another way: in a stampede of cows, devoured by dogs or hungry pigs, or thrown to the sea. Protected by Fortune, Habis managed to survive against all adversities: the animals nursed him, or a sea wave carried him ashore. Raised by a hind (Habis in the Cynete language means fawn), and grown up like a savage, he became a skilful bandit, but was captured by peasants who led him to the king. The boy’s birthmarks made Gárgoris realize that he was his (grand)son. Impressed by his miraculous survival of all ordeals, he named him heir to the throne. Recorded by the Gallo-Roman historian Pompeius Trogus (1st century BCE), the legend was narrated in verse by Jerónimo de Arbolanche in his poem Abidas (1566).

Perseus and Andromeda (1870), by Gustave Moreau

According to Justin, a Latin historian who wrote the Epitome of Pompeius Trogus Philippic Histories, Habis, as a king, made revolutionary social reforms, “dividing the citizens among seven cities”, and forbidding slavery because of debt, which was a common phenomenon in ancient times. Justin also commented on some parallels of the legend with similar stories on other progenitors, such as Perseus, Moses, Romulus and Remus, expressing the view that Habis was superior to the founders of Rome, who were just obliged to milk a she-wolf, without passing all those adversities to demonstrate a similar or superior ability to survive.^(d) With such a charismatic king, the area between the Guadalquivir and Sado estuary in Setúbal was spectacularly transformed, for Habis introduced agriculture, with cereals and cattle farming, thus improving the nutrition of his subjects. The land was ruled by his descendants for centuries. His legislative work was also great, with the laws in rhyme he introduced, which, in the years of Tartessian acme, numbered “six thousand verses”, according to Strabo. This tradition of laws in verse seems to have begun in archaic times, when writing was not widespread, so that people could memorize and observe the laws.^(e) The laws were apparently written in the Southwest, or Tartessian script,^(f) the oldest of the Paleohispanic scripts (7th – 5th century BCE). It extended between the Guadalquivir and Sado estuaries, or in the interior of Iberia, reaching Alicante and Murcia in the East, where a Graeco-Iberian alphabet was used. There is no agreement about how these scripts originated; some researchers claim their origin is linked only to the Phoenician abjad, while others believe that the Greek alphabet contributed, too. It seems that no one gives priority to the Hellenic script. Alas! All these “Philo-Phoenicians” were unable to find any “Phoenico-Iberian” script!

• ^(d) I have commented on the parallels with “baby Moses” (see Chronicle 5): Habis’ stamina was supreme! As regards Perseus, when he was a baby, his grandfather, Acrisius, cast his mother, Danaë, and him into the sea, in a wooden chest, fearful of an oracle that his grandson would kill him. During his trials when he grew up (he beheaded Medusa and saved the Aethiopian princess Andromeda from Cetus), he could not be victorious if he was not the son of Zeus – so, he was the foremost of all!

• ^(e) More about the ancient Greek musical nomoi, i.e. the age-old tradition of laws in verse meant to be sung in order to be memorized and observed, see Chronicles 11 and 16.

• ^(f) Or South Lusitanian, or Bastulo–Turdetanian, or escrita conia (script of the Conii or Cynetes).

Calypso and Odysseus, by William Russell Flint

There are also other versions of this legend. Gárgoris is identified with Cronus eating his children, while Habis-Abidas is presented as persecuted because he introduced agriculture in pastoral Tartessos. Another version, which found quite unexpectedly its way into a book about fado, is a later adaptation to make the story morally acceptable by covering up the incest factor. Thus it combines the legend with the myth of Lisbon foundation, and the Odyssey, embellishing the story with our cherished Homeric heroes. In this version, as related by Augusto Mascarenhas Barreto in his numerous mythological and historical digressions in the book Fado – Lyrical Origins and Poetic Motivation, Gárgoris is renamed as Gregoris, the Iberian king, while his daughter is none other than Calypso; in this way, her son’s father is, of course, Odysseus, and Ogygia is no longer an island but a location at the estuary of Tagus, the future Lisbon. According to Barreto, the Ithacan king walled the settlement and named it Ulissea (Odyssey) – whence the word Olisipo(na) – while the son he had from Calypso, named Abidis, after passing the aforementioned ordeals, founded Scalabis (Santarém), and some other cities (e.g. Astorga, Astigi; see also Chronicle 5. Iberia’s Odyssey).

Map of the Lisbon area with Olisipo, Sintra, Scalabis, and Salacia, an ancient town in
present-day Alcácer do Sal

There are many versions of the Lisbon foundation myth, as well. In one of them a thunderbolt lit the skies and exploded into flame in an unknown land. Then Odysseus was instructed by Zeus (the great god of Thunder and Lightning) to build a city on the point of impact. This land, says another version, was ruled by charming Ophiussa, who had a huge snake tail instead of legs. The queen fell madly in love with Odysseus and, in order to keep him there, offered him the throne. Our cunning hero pretended to accept the proposal, fearing for his life; but all the while, he was secretly filling up his boat with supplies; and one night, while the queen was asleep, he and his crew fled into the darkness. Outraged the next morning, Ophiussa hit her tail so hard on the ground that she created the seven hills where Lisbon is built. This story introduces us to Ophiussa, the Land of Serpents,^(g) a name given by the ancient Greeks to Atlantic Iberia, what is now Portugal and Galicia, and specifically the area around the Tagus estuary.

• ^(g) Another supernatural being in the Portuguese and Galician fairy tales is the Moura Encantada (Enchanted Moura). A legend relates that on the summer solstice a maiden-serpent, a chthonic goddess, revealed hidden treasures to people journeying through forests. This maiden lived, as they said, in the area of Porto. Festivities related to this goddess occurred during the solstice. She would change into a snake during the rest of the year, living under rocks, and shepherds would set aside some milk from their flocks as an offering to her.

A female Uraeus Serpent, one of the forms in which Isis is depicted (Ophiussa’s sister perhaps!)

● The land the Hellenes called Ophiussa was the Oestriminis (Extreme or Far West) for the Romans, something like Finis terrae (“end of the earth”, from a Mediterranean perspective). Rufus Avienus Festus, a Roman poet of the 4th century CE, in his Ora Maritima (Sea Coast), inspired by the Massaliote Periplus (6th century BCE), a Greek mariner’s log, wrote that the Oestrimni, a people who had been living in this area for a long time, had to flee after an invasion of serpents. In fact, these serpents were not snakes but people linked to the Saephes, or Ophis (People of the Serpents), and the Dragani (People of the Dragons), who came to colonize this land. The Saephes were neighbours of the Cynetes, living in an upland region near the Tagus estuary, close to an island Avienus called Poetanion; along with another tribe, the Cempsi, they had taken that territory by force from the Oestrimni. The newcomers were most probably proto-Celts or Celtiberians, while the Oestrimni were the Paleolithic inhabitants of Atlantic Iberia.

The Ophis, who worshiped serpents, lived mainly on inland mountains of northern Portugal and Galicia, or by the mouths of the rivers Douro, Cávado, Tagus and Sado. The Saephes lived in Cynetic land (the Algarve and Low Alentejo), where Gárgoris reigned, together with the Cempsi. The latter, perhaps with strong Germanic and Ligurian influences, entered Iberia c. 650 BCE and finally settled in the Tagus valley and in the peninsula of Setúbal, where Avienus located the lugum cempsicum, the current Cabo Espichel. Finally, the Dragani, who settled in the north-western Iberia (Cantabria, Asturias, Galicia, Beira), must have come from Liguria, a region of north-western Italy, with strong Celtic influences, that is they were Celto-Ligurians. Their name shows that they may have introduced the dragons into Iberia, where the locals must have already had their own griffins in their cults.

Odysseus and Calypso, by Max Beckmann

Calypso, according to Greek mythology, was not a princess but a nymph on the island of Ogygia, daughter of Atlas, hence she was also called Atlantis (Homer), or an Oceanid, that is, a daughter of Oceanus (Hesiod). However, both versions are linked with either the Pillars of Heracles area or the Atlantic Ocean. Atlas, the Titan who held up the celestial sphere, was identified with the Atlas Mountains in northwest Africa. Scholars who have examined Homer’s work and geography, among them Strabo and Plutarch, have suggested that Ogygia and/or Scheria, the Phaeacians’ island, were located in the Atlantic,^(h) and some have identified either or both with Atlantis. Besides he makes clear that

“an Ogygian isle lies far out at sea, distant five days’ sail from Britain, going westwards”.⁽ⁱ⁾

• ^(h) On the geography of the Odyssey, see Chronicle 15. Sailing to Rio de Janeiro!

Deucalion and Pyrrha, by Andrea del Minga, throwing stones behind to recreate mankind

• ⁽ⁱ⁾ Ogygia is linked to the Ogygian deluge and the mythical king of Attica and/or Boeotia, called Ogyges, in the sense that Ogygian means “primeval, primal, at earliest dawn”. This means that Calypso’s island was primeval. Thus, when Aeschylus calls the Nile Ogygian, he does not suggest that the island was in Egypt, as some thoughtlessly thought.

● The Hellenic mythology mentions three deluges: those of Ogyges, Deucalion, and Dardanus.

Plutarch additionally mentions “the great continent”, which was interpreted as a reference to either America, or an allusion to Plato’s Atlantis. Many traits of the Phaeacians, including their seamanship, are suggestive of either Minoan Crete or Atlantis. The description of their palace is that of a very advanced civilization. Above all, their ships were superb, quite different from the galleys of the Trojan War, and… steered by thought!^(j) Hence the view that it was Homer before Plato who first spoke of Atlantis.

• ^(j) Computerized ships: the best a “Periplus in the Archipelagos” can have! Of course, with this technology in mind among other things, the idea that Scheria-Phaeacia could be Corcyra-Corfu must be ruled out.

Homer

● Homer described the ships as faster than falcons, while King Alcinous explained to Odysseus what sort of information the ships required in order to take him home:

“Tell me your country, nation, and city, so that our ships may shape their purpose accordingly and take you there. For the Phaeacians have no pilots; their vessels have no rudders as those of other nations have, but the ships themselves understand what it is that we are thinking about and want; they know all the cities and countries in the whole world, and can traverse the sea just as well even when it is covered with mist and cloud, so that there is no danger of being wrecked or coming to any harm.”

Fairy tales… As with the foundation of Lisbon, the refrain we can hear in chorus over and over again after all these stories is that they are myths. It’s not reality. Again and again, traditions about Hellenes are “legends”, those concerning the Phoenicians “history”… Possibly true, there were no Grecian settlements west of the Pillars of Heracles; only voyages of discovery. Olisipo’s foundation myth by Odysseus is nothing but a myth. On the other hand, there is not the slightest evidence to support the “history” of a Phoenician foundation of Lisbon “around 600 BC”, or as far back as 1200, under the name of Alis Ubbo (“Safe Harbour”), even if there were some organized settlements in Ulissea-Olissipona with clear Mediterranean influence, either at that distant time or later.^(k) It’s nothing but a myth, as well. Likewise, except the voyages of discovery, there is no record of Phoenician or Punic colonies beyond the Algarve, namely Balsa–Tavira, close to the Portuguese-Spanish border,^(l) with substantial Phoenician settlement and influence since the 8th century BCE. Essentially, Phoenician influence in modern Portugal was due to cultural and commercial exchange with Tartessos.

• ^(k) Such a Copper Age settlement is the Castro Zambujal, the most important in the peninsula of Lisbon. The locals, probably together with Eastern Mediterranean settlers, based their economy on intensive farming, and were also part of an economic network importing minerals like gold, copper, amphibolit stone, and ivory, between 3000 and 1700 BCE. It is a site with relatively good conservation – some walls still exist up to a height of 4 meters, as the community constructed a wall around to protect itself from attack.

Balsa: a coin depicting a horse and a fish (50 BCE)

• ^(l) Tavira’s origins date back to the late Bronze Age (1000-800 BCE). The Phoenicians took hold of the town in the 8th century BCE, when it became one of their first settlements in the Iberian West, creating a colonial urban centre, with massive walls, two harbours, at least two temples, and a regular urban structure. This last characteristic, however, reminds ancient Hellenic city planning, and not that of Phoenician or other Semitic settlements (see in Chronicle 22, a comparison made by Strabo between the Greek Maenaca and Phoenician Malaca, in the area of today’s Málaga). The original Phoenician name of the town was perhaps Baal Saphon, or Baal Shamin, after the NW Semitic and Mesopotamian Thunder and Sky gods. It was later shortened to Balsa. Others, on the contrary, insist that the term Balsa is of Iberian, perhaps Basque, origin. It can be found now in other parts of the world.

The town was violently destroyed by conflict, at the end of 6th century BCE and was deserted for a century. This probably happened while Tartessos was devastated by the Punics. During the post-Tartessian, or Turdetanian period, the Iberian colonies seceded from Punic hegemony (410 BCE). As a result, Tavira recovered, during the urban bloom of the area, and became bigger than ever. But this renaissance did not last long: the city was destroyed and abandoned again by the end of the 4th century BCE. After Carthage was razed to the ground, in the mid-1st century BCE, the Romans created a new port, some 7 kilometres from Tavira, which inherited the name Balsa.

“The Tartessian fortunate (wealthy and happy) city.” (Herodotus)

Arganthonios

RETURN TO TARTESSOS. The legendary polity appears, circa the middle of the 1st millennium BCE, in Greek and Near Eastern sources. Homer must have been again the first one to sing in the Iliad of a gold-bearing land in the western limits of the world (Iberia), before the Great (Atlantic) Ocean, where people lived happily for many years. The “Tartessian fortunate city”, according to Herodotus, was just outside the Pillars of Heracles, at the estuary, or precisely οn the Delta, of the homonymous river, and governed by a centenarian king named Arganthonios – a name that certainly referred to his great wealth.

Another historian, Ephorus, described in the 4th century BCE

“a very prosperous market called Tartessos, with much tin carried by river, as well as gold and copper from Celtic lands.”

Around the end of the millennium, however, there are indications that the name fell out of use creating the impression that the city might have been lost due to natural or other causes. Apart from Thera, Tartessos is a strong candidate for the site of Atlantis. They must have had more in common due to Minoan influence. The Andalusians, just like the Hellenes, may have benefited from the Cretans not only economically, but culturally, as well. Archaeological finds in Tartessos have built up a picture of a widespread culture, with the core area extending from the Guadalquivir valley to Huelva, but also covering the entire southern Iberia, from the Tagus estuary to the southern land of Valencia. Pausanias, writing in the 2nd century CE, identified the river and gave details on the location of the city:

“They say that Tartessos is a river in the land of the Iberians, running down into the sea by two mouths,^(m) and that between these two mouths lies a city of the same name. The river is the largest in Iberia, and tidal, that of a later day called Baetis” – named Guadalquivir (“Great River”) even later by the Moors.⁽ⁿ⁾

View of the river Guadalquivir (1854), by Manuel Barrón y Carrillo

• ^(m) Strabo also spoke of two mouths, creating a Delta at the river’s estuary, while describing the region and estimating its size. In this passage, which is like a periplus of the Pillars of Heracles area, he doesn’t refer to Tartessos city (non-existent in his time) – though it is mentioned by the later Pausanias. The land, says Strabo, has its “natural borders” drawn by the riverbeds of Ana (Guadiana) and Baetis (Guadalquivir), eloquently nicknamed “the silver river”. Tartessis was the toponym referring to the land, while the capital was called Tartessos, like the river.

• ⁽ⁿ⁾ Aristotle’s idea about the river was even grander, as he thought it rose from the Pyrenees! You see, even a genius can fail miserably! But Pausanias also erred, because the Guadalquivir is just the fifth longest river of Iberia, after the Tagus, Ebro, Douro and Guadiana. According to Livy, the local (Tartessian and Turdetanian) names for the Guadalquivir were Kertis and Rerkes.

The eastern mouth of the river, the only one existing now, was much wider at that time. The western mouth does not exist anymore, but it is thought that it was located near Huelva. In this area we now find only a number of lakes. At that time, between these two river arms, there was a large lagoon with at least one island in it where the legendary city was probably located. The landscape is completely different now. Some findings lead to the conclusion that there must have been two natural disasters (tsunamis) that caused the islands and the dry areas to sink, one of which happened around 1500 BCE, and the other in 200 CE. Therefore, none of them is linked with the demise of Tartessos, between the late 6th and early 5th centuries BCE, when most sites were inexplicably abandoned…

Geography of Tartessos and Iberia; 7th-5th century BCE

The Tartessians were excellent in engineering and had created a sophisticated system to regulate the water flow of the river. Strabo described an advanced, urbanized society with many flourishing, wealthy cities along the banks of the Tartessos-Baetis-Guadalquivir River:

“They are considered to be the most educated of the Iberians, they have a scripture, even historical chronicles, poems, and laws in 6,000 verses”, he wrote.

Tartessian culture is divided mainly into two periods: The first is characterized as “geometric” and coincides with the late Bronze Age ranging from 1200 to 750 BCE – corresponding somehow to the Greek geometric art (Parallel Lives in art? Who knows)… The second is termed “oriental”, influenced by Phoenicians and Hellenes alike, ranging from 750 to 550 BCE, when it was gradually superseded by the classic Iberian culture. A similar shift to the Lusitanian culture occurred in the southern Portuguese territory, mainly in the Algarve and Low Alentejo, with littoral extensions up to the Tagus mouth. Significant elements of the period were the introduction of the potter’s wheel, and several other major advances in craftsmanship, e.g. architecture, and also in agriculture. Another noticeable and notable element was the increase in specialization and stratification. Writing was a very important development. With the arrival of the Hellenes, whose influence extended far beyond their colonies,^(o) this “orientalism” began to transform itself into the Iberian culture, especially in the South East. Greek influence is visible in the gradual change of the style of the monuments approaching more and more the architectural models of the Hellenic world. The Iberian script evolved from the Tartessian with noticeable Greek influence. A variant of the Hellenic alphabet (Ibero-Ionian script) was also used to write Iberian texts.

• ^(o) There are maps showing only one Greek colony in the entire Iberia: Emporion. All other cities are shown as local or Phoenician. Even Acra Leucá (a toponym made up of two Hellenic words) is shown as a Phoenician colony! By what magic wand did the Greek cultural influence spread? How could it penetrate even the Phoenician sphere of influence?

Culture (from Cicero’s “cultura animi”) is also material, denoting the artifacts a society creates and their connection to social relations. Civilization is certainly inconceivable without division of labour and technology. Culture and civilization necessitate an economic base in order to thrive. In the case of Iberia, it was the metals that opened the way to the dawn of the Bronze Age, sped up later when some Easterners arrived there. But mining and smelting preceded the coming of Minoans, Greeks, or Phoenicians. Alluvial tin was panned in the Iberian streams from an early date. The Río Tinto mines, along the river that flows into the Gulf of Cádiz at Huelva, are estimated at 8,000 to 10,000 years old. They have been mined for copper, silver, gold, and many other minerals, by Iberians, Tartessians, Phoenicians, Hellenes, Romans, Visigoths, Moors and Spaniards, for such a long time that the place has turned into an environmental disaster zone.^(p)

El Corazón de la Tierra: the Heart of the Earth (uprooted…)

• ^(p) After its exploitation for ten millennia, the Tinto area looks like a “lunar landscape”, or even worse. Recently it has gained scientific interest due to the presence of so-called extremophile aerobic bacteria that dwell in the water. The extreme conditions there may be analogous to other locations in the solar system thought to contain liquid water, such as subterranean Mars, or Jupiter’s moon Europa, where an acidic ocean of water is theorized to exist under its frozen ice surface. Thus the river is of interest to astrobiologists.

Río Tinto: beautiful colours but… poisonous!

Based partially on research done near the Río Tinto, two NASA scientists reported in 2005 they had found strong evidence of present life on Mars! They may have been obliged to retract, but who knows? The Americans may one day employ… Martians as slaves! That is the reason why Europe, eternally in the role of a satellite, is being transmuted into… Europa, moving inexorably towards the gates of El Dorado vigilantly guarded by Cerberus!

The invention of coinage intensified the search for bronze and silver in the 7th century BCE. Consequently, trade links, formerly largely in elite goods, assumed a broader economic role. By that time, silver extraction in Huelva Province had reached industrial proportions. Huelva city was certainly connected to Tartessos; it contains the largest accumulation of imported elite goods and should have been an important centre. Excavations in the heart of the city revealed a great industrial and commercial emporium that lasted several centuries. Some 90,000 ostraca (ceramic fragments), indigenous and imported (Phoenician and Greek), were exhumed. All these vessels, dated from the 10th to the 8th centuries BCE, precede finds from other Phoenician emporia. The existence of foreign produce and materials together with local ones permits us to imagine its old harbour as a major hub for the reception, manufacture and shipping of diverse products of various and distant origins and destinations. Finds in other parts of the city help us estimate its habitat in some 20 hectares, which constitutes a sizable extension for a site in Iberia during that period. The analysis of written sources and the products exhumed, including thousands of Hellenic ceramics, some of which are works of excellent quality by known potters and painters, tends to identify this habitat with the lost city of Tartessos.

Giant geysers of water vapour are thought to eject off the frigid, icy surface of the Jovian moon Europa…

• >> Chronicle 22. AN IBERIAN PERIPLUS REVIVAL
• << Chronicle 20. THE ENIGMATIC SEA PEOPLES

Next Chronicle 22. AN IBERIAN PERIPLUS REVIVAL
● Tartessos (B) ● Colonies in Provence, Iberia, Maurusia ● Tin and Silver Routes ●
Democritus and Plato ● Topography of
the Area Beyond the Pillars of Heracles

Chronicle 19. PHOENICIA’S STROKE OF FORTUNE

Chronicle 19. PHOENICIA’S STROKE OF FORTUNE

/ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΑ/ Χρονικό 19. ΦΟΙΝΙΚΗ: Η ΕΥΝΟΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΤΥΧΗΣ

● Phoenicians and Sea Peoples ● Minoan Eruption on Thera ● Trojan War
and Bronze Age Collapse (B)

Michales Loukovikas

PARADOXICALLY ENOUGH, “A CRITICAL TURNING POINT in history, an important element mentioned by many sources, and yet given consideration by virtually none, is the simple fact that – in the midst of a cataclysm which destroyed almost every city in the area of the eastern Mediterranean – the Phoenician cities remained untouched… accorded a special status by the invading peoples”.

Such is the standpoint of Sanford Holst, a specialist on Phoenicia, in his analysis on Sea Peoples and the Phoenicians: A Critical Turning Point in History, adding equally unequivocally:

“There was a relationship or partnership of some nature between the Sea Peoples and the Phoenicians”…

Warship and winged hippocamp
on a Phoenician coin

However, as he is “Philo-Phoenician”, he tries to minimize the importance of the Minoans in his text regarding the Origin of the Phoenicians, Interactions in the Early Mediterranean Region. Reversing historical periods, he opts to portray the Minoans as the Phoenicians’ “pupils”, and uses the usual “beautiful” phrases as a cover-up:

“Around 2000 BC”, he maintains (in fact, around 2700 BCE), “the beautiful Minoan civilization arose on Crete, accompanied by many indications of ‘Eastern influence’. By that time the Phoenicians had long been established as major sea traders on the Mediterranean. [!] That the Minoans received influences from them and others in the form of specific pottery, architectural practices, social practices, legends and language are very much in evidence”… Such assertions, by the way, were made by the great archaeologist Leonard Woolley, too, but eventually, they were discarded as entirely erroneous (see Chronicle 27. An Archaeologist’s Waterloo).

“A critical turning point in history mentioned by many sources, and yet given consideration by virtually none, is that, in the midst of a cataclysm destroying almost every city in eastern Mediterranean, Phoenicia remained untouched, accorded a special status by the invading peoples… There was a relationship or partnership… between the Sea Peoples and the Phoenicians”. (S. Holst)

Ship with dolphins: wall painting replica
from Minoan Thera (17th century BCE)

The Phoenicians may be the “darlings” of most historians; but none would ever claim that their civilization was older than that of the Minoans. Consequently, the latter were the real masters, and their good pupils, as it turned out, were not the Mycenaeans but the Phoenicians, when the Cretans voyaged to Canaan very often for trade.

“The Phoenicians began to develop as a seafaring, manufacturing, trading nation when the Cretans – the first masters of the Mediterranean – were overthrown by the Greeks”, R. A. Guisepi points out in his text on The Phoenicians.

They probably ventured out on the open sea some time before, in the mid-16th century, trying to profit from the misfortunes of the Cretans (mainly due to the Minoan eruption), but in vain: the Minoans were still standing, and afterwards they were succeeded by the Mycenaeans…

“The Late Minoan I period as a whole [1600-1450 BCE] represents the zenith of Minoan civilization”, W. Sheppard Baird contends in his study about The Bronze Age Eruption of Santorini and Late Minoan IB Destruction Event, and then explains: “Their cultural and maritime economic influence throughout the Mediterranean and Black Sea would never be exceeded. This was a time of great social and political cohesion and commercial and industrial prosperity. Their only economic rival in the Mediterranean was the Egyptians. The Minoans at this time ruled the seas with the largest navy and commercial fleet ever seen in the Mediterranean. Then it all came crashing down with the incredible eruption of the Theran marine volcano”…

● The Minoan eruption was one of the largest volcanic events in recorded history (and probably the second biggest after Tambora, Indonesia, in 1815 CE), devastating Thera, nearby islands and parts of Crete. The eruptions, generating tsunamis and preceded by earthquakes, provided a basis for or inspired Plato’s Atlantis story and the Titanomachy in Hesiod’s Theogony. The exact date has been difficult to determine. The initial date of 1500 BCE appeared to be incorrect, as radiocarbon dating analysis indicated that the eruption occurred at least a century before, c. 1627-1600. A volcanic winter after the eruption provoked the collapse of the Xia dynasty in faraway China, following “yellow fog, a dim sun, frost in July, famine, and the withering of all five cereals”. Heavy rains and storms that ravaged Egypt have been attributed to short-term climatic changes caused by the eruption. W. Sheppard Baird suggests the idea that at least one pyroclastic surge of superheated steam travelled at a very high speed over 110 kilometers of sea water to incinerate large areas of Crete spreading destruction, havoc and death. The Mycenaean conquest of the island occurred about 150 years after the catastrophe; therefore, many archaeologists speculate that it induced a grave crisis in the Minoan civilization that made things far easier for the Mycenaeans. The internal political conflict hypothesis is also presented here. It is a realistic scenario because of the instability the catastrophe provoked. It could also be a factor that might have paved the way for the Mycenaeans.

An island volcano similar to that of Thera

W. Sheppard Baird refers to this “big bang” on Santorini, even when he is more concentrated on The Origin of the Sea Peoples:

“When the Theran volcano exploded in the Aegean”, he suggests, “it would have been difficult enough for the surviving Minoans to resurrect the Mediterranean trade routes amid the incredible devastation. The effective Minoan policing of the old trade routes from piracy that was in place before the eruption might have never again been achieved”. Describing the aftermath of the Sea Peoples’ raids, he concludes: “By this time all of the great Bronze Age powers that had existed before the volcanic eruption, except the Egyptians, lay shattered, depopulated, and would never recover. In sharp contrast, the Phoenicians survived completely unscathed and invigorated. It was the beginning of the ‘Age of the Phoenicians’ in the Mediterranean. What did they do? They headed straight for the gold, silver, and tin of southern Iberia to establish trading outposts [emporia] and colonies.”

Seal of Tarkummuwa, king of Mera, surrounded by Hittite hieroglyphs and cuneiform script: this bilingual inscription provided the first clues for deciphering Hittite hieroglyphs.

Not “what did they do?” but “how did they make it?” should be the first question to ask – followed by the crucial query: “Who were the Phoenicians’ adversaries?” Sanford Holst explains:

“The Phoenician people had been dominant sea traders in the Mediterranean prior to 1500 BC [in fact, they had attempted unsuccessfully to establish themselves as such after the Minoan eruption]. Then the rise of the Mycenaeans caused sea trade to fall into the hands of that new power. This pushed the Phoenicians backward from the west. The growth of Ugarit as a major sea trader located just north of the Phoenicians exerted additional pressure from that direction. Immediately beside that powerful city were the Hittites.”

Hattusa, Lion Gate

The Phoenicians’ adversaries, therefore, were the Mycenaeans and the Hittites, including Ugarit. A war between Egypt and Hatti in the early 13th century was inconclusive and the Hittites kept all the lands they had taken. Then the great pharaoh Ramses II died in 1213 BCE, and the Sea Peoples appeared on the scene four years later, waging their first doomed raid against Egypt, “the breadbasket which had been supplying the Hittites with wheat via Ugarit”. The hungry Sea Peoples wanted bread and the breadbasket was Egypt, but this did not serve the Phoenicians’ interests. It was urgent for them that the Sea Peoples’ attention be turned elsewhere: to the Aegean and Anatolia, to the Mycenaeans and Hittites…

The hungry Sea Peoples wanted bread, the breadbasket was Egypt, but
this did not serve the Phoenicians’ interests. The Sea Peoples’ attention
should be urgently turned elsewhere: to the Aegean and Anatolia…

“What led to the special treatment the Phoenicians seem to have been given by the Sea Peoples? What services could the Sea Peoples possibly have received from these maritime traders?”, Sanford Holst wonders.

The answer is, of course: bread – if not something more than bread. As for the… “circuses”, well, the investing Phoenicians hoped that they would be rewarding enough; how fruitful they were in fact, not even the most optimistic Phoenician could ever dream of or imagine… Holst has the story unfolding:

The Sea and Land Peoples’ raids

“With the Hittites threatening their northern border, the Phoenicians would reasonably have supported whichever groups among Sea Peoples wanted to shift attacks away from the failed effort at Egypt and toward a more promising one against the Hittites. Though the Hittites themselves had no excess food to offer, they stood between the Sea Peoples and an achievable goal: the land of Canaan, which was second only to Egypt as a source of wheat. In addition, by going through the Hittite land and Canaan, the Sea Peoples would bring a force numbering hundreds of thousands to confront the wheat-rich Egyptians – rather than the handful of warriors who had failed on the first attempt.

“But a problem had to be overcome. The Mycenaeans continued to hold the Aegean and attacked the Anatolian people from the seaward side. To deal with this, warriors and ships in the Sea Peoples confederacy poured from Anatolia and the Black Sea into the Aegean, where they ravaged the Mycenaeans. Following this widespread disruption the Mycenaean cities withered and eventually died. When the Aegean had been thus cleared, the people of western Anatolia were able to turn their full attention to the Hittites.”

“The Mycenaeans continued to hold the Aegean and attacked the Anatolian people from the sea. To deal with this, the Sea Peoples poured from Anatolia and the Black Sea into the Aegean, where they ravaged the Mycenaeans [and their] cities withered and died. When the Aegean had been thus cleared, the western Anatolians were able to turn their full attention to the Hittites.” (Sanford Holst)

Hector‘s corpse brought back to Troy (detail); Roman
relief from a marble sarcophagus (ca 180–200 CE)

Holst apparently alludes to the Trojan War. If so, it explains why the fighters on the Trojan side, as Homer says, sounded just like the Tower of Babel builders – that is, speaking various languages and thus needing to have orders translated to them by their commanders. It seems, therefore, that the fall of Troy did not seal the end of the war. The Sea Peoples counter-attacked, bringing the war on Hellenic soil.^(a)

• ^(a) So, were the Greeks a part of the Sea Peoples? The answer is evidently negative: “No, they were not!” Or were they? We need to elaborate on that in our next Chronicle.

Let’s compare Eberhard Zangger’s view:

“The Sea Peoples may well have been Troy and its confederated allies, and the literary tradition of the Trojan War may well reflect the Greek effort to counter those raids.” Hence the Iliad may well reflect this conflict (see next Chronicle).

“The Sea Peoples may well have been Troy and its confederated
allies, and the literary tradition of the Trojan War may well reflect
the Greek effort to counter those raids.” (Eberhard Zangger)

“In 1182 BC Ugarit fell [burned to the ground and left unoccupied thereafter] and the flow of wheat from Egypt was cut off”, says Holst. “Approximately two years later the Hittite empire died. Now nothing stood in the way of the Sea Peoples’ exodus.^(b) With their wives, children and household possessions in two-wheeled carts, the Sea Peoples – now more properly the Land Peoples – flowed across on their path of destruction and, observing their special relationship with Phoenicia, they by-passed that land. Flowing down through Canaan they destroyed the cities they encountered. Many settled beside the wheat fields and took some of the land for themselves and their families. A very large number of the Land and Sea Peoples continued onward and eventually arrived at the border between Canaan and Egypt. There a great battle was fought and the Sea Peoples were finally stopped.”

The “Horses of St. Mark” in Venice: a tiny part of the incalculable booty pillaged by Venetians and Franks…

• ^(b) Writing “exodus”, Holst clearly sought “Biblical” connotations. The historical connotations though are more compelling: it is irresistible the urge to compare or find parallels between the Sea Peoples and the First Crusade (1096–1099 CE), especially the so-called People’s, or Peasants’, or Paupers’ Crusade – although, if we wish precision, we need to describe it as the Unruly Mob’s Crusade. If, on the contrary, we try to find analogies with the Phoenicians’ conduct, we need to “flash forward” to the Fourth Crusade (1202–1204), branded as the “Cursed Crusade”, as it was originally intended to conquer Muslim Jerusalem by means of an invasion through Egypt; but instead, in April 1204, the Crusaders mercilessly sacked Christian Constantinople, capital of the Byzantine Empire, which was partitioned among the plunderers, establishing the Latin Empire. The Venetians in this Crusade acted just like the Phoenicians in the Sea Peoples’ raids during the Bronze Age collapse. One day we may get to know who the Phoenician “Enrico Dandolo” was, and how he contributed to this collapse… (On the Exodus, see the next Chronicle).

● Just a tiny portion of the incalculable booty pillaged by Venetians and Franks in the city is the “Horses of St. Mark” in Venice, a work that some attribute to Lysippos. Napoleon stole later the… stolen horses but, after Waterloo, they were returned to their… legitimate looters!

The Egyptians won the battle but, as we have seen, lost the war. Who else did? The Mycenaeans, the Hittites, Ugarit, and also the peoples of Canaan – except the Phoenicians. Even the militaristic Assyrians can be counted among the losers being obliged to withdraw to their borders for protection. In short, all the great powers of the day. As for the winners, apart from the Sea Peoples themselves, there is no doubt:

The battle of the Egyptians with the Sea Peoples

“The Phoenicians seem to have gained more than anyone else from the mass migration of the Land and Sea Peoples”, Holst sums up. “Under the destructive force of the Sea Peoples’ attacks, all of the Phoenicians’ powerful adversaries had been destroyed. The Phoenician cities were untouched by this devastation that happened around them, which left these people in an advantageous position. The historical record shows their active cities quickly began to expand their domain by placing trading posts in Cyprus, the Aegean, Sicily, Sardinia, North Africa, Algeria, Morocco and Spain. Among the cities they created were these in Morocco: Lixus (modern Larache), Sala (Rabat), Mogador (Essaouira) and Tingis (Tangier); in Spain: Gadir (Cádiz), Malaka (Málaga), Ibisa (Ibiza); in Algeria: Icosia (Algiers); in Tunisia: Utica and Carthage; in Sardinia: Karalis (Cagliari); in Sicily: Panormus (Palermo);^(c) in Cyprus: Kition (Larnaca). The Phoenicians gave rise to a powerful and wealthy sea-trading empire which stretched from Morocco to the Levant.”

● Therefore, Sanford Holst is absolutely right to underline that “this element turns out to be one of the keys which help to unlock the mystery of the Sea Peoples – an event which changed the course of history.”

• ^(c) One of too many similar cases: colonies supposedly founded by the Phoenicians but known by their Greek names as the Canaanite toponyms (if there were such names) were forgotten…

Carthage reconstructed

“Under the destructive force of the Sea Peoples’ attacks, all of the
Phoenicians’ powerful adversaries had been destroyed. The Phoenician
cities were untouched by this devastation that happened around them,
which left these people in an advantageous position.” (Sanford Holst)

THE RESULTING POWER VACUUM WAS A GOLDEN OPPORTUNITY for the Phoenicians to take advantage and emerge as true heirs of the Minoans, rising as a great maritime power. Their zenith in history (1200–800 BCE) coincides with the dark ages of all their antagonists. Enjoying almost complete freedom of movement for such a long time, they methodically built their trading empire; and when the tide of history brought the great powers back (Assyrians, Babylonians, and Persians), subjugating Phoenicia from the 9th to the 6th centuries BCE, they were prepared to shift the hub of the empire from the Near East to the centre of the Mediterranean, from Canaan to Tunisia.

Hellenic and Phoenician colonies (in blue and in red respectively) 550 BCE

Under Persian yoke, many Phoenicians migrated to colonies, such as Carthage. There they might realize their dream to become a real empire, achieving military supremacy, as well, which was rather infeasible in the narrow strip of Phoenicia. As for the Hellenes, they gradually woke up from their dark age and, starting in 900 BCE, rushed to make up for lost time founding their own colonies not only in the Mediterranean, but also in the Black Sea, where the Phoenicians never dared to enter. Studying a map of 550 BCE, the Greek superiority is obvious. The Phoenicians faced a very serious problem: lack of manpower. But they enjoyed a crucial strategic advantage: the control of the Pillars of Heracles,^(d) the Strait of Gibraltar,^(e) where Carthage would impose a blockade to secure its monopoly with metal-bearing Iberia, the lost city of Tartessos, and the Atlantic, North and South. Using e.g. gold obtained by their expansion of the African coastal trade in the mid-4th century BCE, the Punics minted gold staters bearing a pattern in the reverse exergue of the coins, which some have interpreted as a map of the Mediterranean with America (or Atlantis?) shown to the West.

The Punic coin with the exergue supposedly depicting the ancient world, ca 341 BCE

• ^(d) The Pillars of Heracles for the Hellenes were the Strait of Gibraltar. But in earlier times, when they had not gone so far, this phrase referred to the “strait” between Tunisia and Sicily. Thus the Phoenicians, and later the Punics, sought to control both the “internal” and “external” Pillars.

• ^(e) Gibraltar is the European Pillar of Heracles on Spanish soil but controlled by Britain. The term means “Rock of Tariq” (Gibr al-Tariq), from the name of Tariq ibn Ziyad who led the vanguard of the Arabs that invaded Iberia in 711 CE.

● However, long before the Spaniards, the British and the Arabs, the Visigoths and the Vandals (hence the name of Andalusia), the Punics and the Romans, the Phoenicians or the Greeks, long before the Celts, even the Iberians and locals, the rock was occupied by the Neanderthals. The evidence in Gorham’s cave, between 125,000 and 25,000 years ago, makes it their last known holdout. Similarly on the opposite, African Pillar, Ceuta, in Moroccan territory but controlled by Spain, the oldest traces of human presence go back 250,000 years.

That was the background of Phoenicia’s sea trade enterprise that spread across the seas from 1550 to 300 BCE. The Phoenicians were remarkable in seamanship and famous as “traders in purple”, due to their monopoly on the precious purple dye of the murex snail, once profusely available in the eastern Mediterranean, though exploited to local extinction, and used, inter alia, for royal clothing. In fact, the word Phoenicia derives from the Hellenic words φοῖνιξ and φοινός, i.e. purple, passing to Latin as Punic. They called their country Canaan, which may also mean Land of Purple. If so, Canaan and Phoenicia are synonyms. Hecataeus said Phoenicia was formerly called Χνᾶ (Khnā). However, the Greek term did not correspond to a cultural identity that would be recognized by the Phoenicians themselves. It is uncertain if and to what extent they viewed themselves as a single ethnicity. It was a civilization organized in city-states, similar to Hellas. They would come into conflict and one city might dominate the others, though they could collaborate in leagues or alliances, as well. In terms of language, life style and religion, there is little to set the Phoenicians apart from other Semitic cultures of Canaan as markedly different.

A horse head on a Punic coin (replica)

Apart from purple, the Phoenicians exported textiles, glass, and wine to Egypt, where grapevines would not grow, and obtained Nubian gold, Iberian silver, and British tin. However, what was once thought to be direct trade is now believed it was indirect. Timothy Champion suggests it was under the control of the Celts of Britanny.^(f) In any case, the recovery of the Mediterranean economy after the Bronze Age collapse was largely due to the work of Phoenician traders, who re-established long distance commerce.

• ^(f) This is a very simple but quite interesting idea: Why should any trading sailor, be it Minoan or Mycenaean, Phoenician or Carthaginian, take the risk of travelling around Iberia and then up to Britain, when tin from Cornwall or Brittany could be transported overland through Gaul-France? It is the reason why Carthage tried in vain to prevent the founding of the colony of Massalia: even with Gibraltar blockaded, tin from Cornwall or Brittany was available in the Mediterranean, and Carthage could not impose an all-out monopoly.

While trade and colonies spread, the Mediterranean was split into two with the Phoenicians sailing along and finally dominating the southern shores, while the Greeks were active along the northern coast. This arrangement did not exclude mutual intrusions, as the examples of Cyrenaica and Sardinia indicate. The two cultures clashed rarely, mainly in Sicily (due to its strategic position, opposite Carthage, at the “internal Pillars” of the Mediterranean), and finally settled into two spheres of influence. When the Punics took over, things changed dramatically.

Melqart on a Phoenician silver tetradrachm

Despite the exergues, which supposedly depict America (or Atlantis), what we can see on the other side of the Phoenician “coin” is a certain kind of cultural deficiency. Their art lacks some unique characteristics that might differentiate it from its contemporaries. This is due to its being highly influenced by foreign cultures: primarily Egypt, Assyria, or Hellas. Their art was an amalgam of foreign models and perspectives. In addition, although they are credited for the spread of their “abjad”, from which all major alphabets originated, they used this script mainly for their trade business.^(g) And apart from their inscriptions, they have left almost no other written sources – or they have not survived. We even ignore the name of their “Lord of the Sea”, their “Poseidon” – quite strange for a society of sailing merchants where such a deity is so very important.

• ^(g) The precursor to the Phoenician “alphabet” was likely of Egyptian origin as the Middle Bronze Age abjads from Canaan resemble hieroglyphs or, far more specifically, an early abjad found in central Egypt. In addition to being preceded by proto-Canaanite scripts, the Phoenician abjad also followed the Ugaritic “alphabet” of Mesopotamian origin. Hence, the consonantal Semitic “alphabets” should have originated in Egypt and Mesopotamia.

The same could be said about the Minoans, whose deities we also ignore, if we do not take into account that they represent an older civilization, whose script is still undeciphered. Note that there was a god of the sea and the rivers, named Yam (Yaw), in the Canaanite Pantheon. Was he worshipped by the Phoenicians? It seems that, except Baal (Baal-hamon and his consort Tanit were the patrons of Carthage), the Phoenicians specifically honoured Melqart, patron of Tyre, the founder of most colonies, including Gadir (Cádiz) and Carthage. Gradually, due to mutual influence, Melqart was identified with Heracles. But for sure, none of these gods could substitute Yam-Poseidon. Therefore, the mystery (a people of seamen without a god of the sea) is here to stay…

Semiramis, by Eliseo Fattorini (19th century)

● If we search for the entry “Phoenician mythology” in Wikipedia, we are redirected to a certain Sanchuniathon, a purported author of three lost works in the Phoenician language, supposedly surviving only in partial paraphrase and summary of a Greek translation by Philo of Byblos, according to the bishop of Caesarea, Eusebius. All we know about Sanchuniathon’s work comes from Eusebius, citing the only surviving excerpts from his writings, as summarized and quoted from his supposed translator, Philo. The hypothetical date of the alleged writings take us back to a time before the Trojan War, around the time some other hypothetical persons lived, such as Moses, “when Semiramis was queen of the Assyrians”. Thus Sanchuniathon is placed in the mythic context of an antiquity from which no Hellenic or Phoenician writings have survived. Paradoxically enough, however, the “writer” is made to refer disparagingly to… Hesiod, who lived in the 8th century BCE! Some have suggested that Eusebius’ intent was… “pious” (“eusebeia” means “piety” in Greek): he desired to “discredit polytheism”; others that it was a forgery by Philo himself. Anyone can draw his own conclusions about the real motives of the forgers, whoever they were. At any rate, you are certainly quite astonished when finally a search for “Phoenician mythology” is redirected to a hoax – “pious” or not…

• >> Chronicle 5. THE ENIGMATIC SEA PEOPLES
• << Chronicle 3. MYCENAE: FROM KNOSSOS TO TROY

Next Chronicle 20. THE ENIGMATIC SEA PEOPLES ● Bronze Age Collapse Due to Famine ● Trojan War and Anatolian Sea Peoples ● Merneptah Stele and Exodus ● Hittites and Luwians

Twelve Hittite gods of the Underworld in a sanctuary of Hattusa